Clallam County Watchdog

"They Know Where We Live"

43 min · 20 de may de 2026
Portada del episodio "They Know Where We Live"

Descripción

Anti-Jake Seegers activism is escalating beyond policy disagreements and campaign signs. After stickers labeling Seegers a “carpetbagger” and “out of town real estate investor” appeared at the end of his family’s private driveway — where his children discovered them during a bike ride — questions are now being raised about how far local political hostility is willing to go, and whether some activists are more interested in intimidation than honest debate. Stickers calling county commissioner candidate Jake Seegers a “carpetbagger” and “out of town real estate investor” continue appearing, and not just in downtown Port Angeles. Most recently, the stickers showed up roughly seven miles away from the downtown core — at the entrance to the Seegers family driveway itself. The stickers were discovered by three children riding their bicycles to pick up the family’s mail. The children were Jake’s. The stickers had been placed on signs and posts at the entrance to the shared driveway used by several neighboring families. The message was unmistakable. This was no longer simply, “We disagree with Jake Seegers politically.”The message had evolved into something much more personal: “We know where you live.” Jake’s middle child summed up the moment in a way only a child can: “That’s scary… they know where we live.” That sentence says more about the current state of local politics than perhaps anything else could. A Campaign That Has Intensified With just over five months remaining in the race, Seegers’ campaign has clearly entered a new phase. Jake continues to spend long days meeting with residents, listening to concerns, touring local industries, conducting podcast interviews, writing articles for CC Watchdog, and engaging directly with community members. Jake is putting in 60-hour workweeks while balancing life as a husband, father, volunteer, and friend. But now that the race has narrowed into a two-person contest, another shift has become apparent. The attacks have become less about policy and increasingly about the man himself. Rather than debating county spending, homelessness, public safety, roads, taxes, or economic development, much of the rhetoric online has turned toward labeling, personal associations, and attempts to portray Seegers as politically radioactive. Reddit, Rumors, and Anonymous Politics A lengthy Reddit discussion [https://www.reddit.com/r/portangeles/comments/1t0uns0/comment/okte9pr/?utm_source=share&utm_medium=web3x&utm_name=web3xcss&utm_term=1&utm_content=share_button](https://www.reddit.com/r/portangeles/comments/1t0uns0/comment/okte9pr/?utm_source=share&utm_medium=web3x&utm_name=web3xcss&utm_term=1&utm_content=share_button] about Jake Seegers recently gained traction online after one user reposted what they described as “research” into Seegers’ background, finances, family foundation connections, business relationships, and property ownership. The original post raised questions about transparency, campaign disclosures, out-of-state family associations, grants tied to the Seegers Foundation, Seegers’ involvement with local organizations, and whether certain property ownership interests should have been disclosed in connection with advocacy surrounding Olympic Hot Springs Road. Some commenters described the research as “great work” and argued that Seegers was not being fully transparent. Others used the thread to speculate about broader political motives, national conservative ties, religion, Project 2025, and alleged “MAGA” associations. One commenter referred to Seegers as a “carpetbagger,” while others mocked his background, family wealth, and even his children. The thread also highlighted something increasingly common in modern politics: anonymous online activism replacing direct public conversation. Reddit allows users to operate under anonymous screen names, and discussions can quickly escalate in tone and speculation. In this case, accusations, assumptions, and political labeling rapidly overtook any substantive discussion about county government itself. What makes the situation notable, however, is that Seegers did not avoid the thread. Using his own account, Seegers directly responded publicly: “Thank you for originally raising these legitimate concerns.” He then expanded an open invitation to anyone involved in the discussion to join him for a recorded podcast interview where they could ask any questions they wanted, on the record, in long-form format, with the entire community able to hear both the questions and the answers in full context. He wrote: “Transparency is critical, and this is a way to provide it for everyone interested.” So far, despite the accusations and speculation, no one has accepted the offer. “FTG” One particularly telling comment circulating online suggested creating signs that say “FTG” with arrows pointing toward Seegers at public events. For those unfamiliar with the slang, “FTG” is shorthand for the French phrase Ferme ta gueule, which roughly translates to “shut up” or more bluntly, “shut the f*** up.” That is the level local political discourse is descending toward. Not debate.Not discussion.Not competing visions for county government. Just hostility. From Protest to Intimidation? There is an important distinction between criticizing a candidate’s policies and attempting to intimidate a candidate personally. People absolutely have the right to oppose Jake Seegers politically. They have the right to question his ideas, challenge his proposals, disagree with his priorities, and support another candidate. That is democracy. But when activists begin placing targeted political messaging at the end of a candidate’s private driveway where his children will encounter it, reasonable people begin asking where the line is. Especially when online discussions openly discuss following him to events, surrounding him with signs, and confronting him with nationally divisive ideological litmus tests that have little to do with county government. A Different Response Ironically, just last week, another incident tested the campaign. A person was caught on camera removing and destroying one of Jake’s signs. It did not take long for members of the community to identify the individual involved through social media. The individual later contacted Jake directly and apologized. Rather than escalating the situation, Jake agreed to meet with the man personally to discuss his concerns and ideas about county government. Law enforcement contacted Seegers and asked whether he wished to pursue charges related to the sign destruction. He declined. According to Seegers: “I asked the Sheriff’s Department not to pursue an investigation or press charges. This person appears to have made a poor decision out of frustration and then personally reached out to apologize. That humility is admirable. Additionally, it did not seem like a good use of our limited and already strained law enforcement resources. I look forward to a future conversation with this individual and believe that, like most community members, we can find common ground on local issues.” That response reflects exactly who Jake Seegers is: approachable, willing to listen, calm under pressure, and genuinely interested in hearing from people even when they disagree with him. People may disagree with his policies or question his solutions. That is fair game in politics. But targeting a candidate’s family and sending the message that political opponents are comfortable showing up at the end of his driveway is something entirely different. And many in the community are beginning to notice the difference. “Intimidation and coercion have no place in a free society.” — Harry S. Truman Today’s Tidbit: A Historic Shift Yesterday, for the first time in more than a decade, the Clallam County Commissioners approved a formal response letter to the Bureau of Indian Affairs regarding a proposed transfer of land into federal tribal trust status. That did not happen by accident. It happened because members of the public pushed for it relentlessly for more than two years, refusing to let the issue disappear quietly into bureaucracy and backroom silence. Citizens attended meetings, submitted comments, wrote emails, researched federal processes, and repeatedly asked why Clallam County was not formally responding to trust land applications that directly impact taxation, zoning, land use, and local governance. This is genuinely historic. And whether people agree with every word of the letter or not, County Administrator Todd Mielke deserves substantial credit for helping move the county toward finally engaging the issue formally and professionally. The letter itself is surprisingly direct. It outlines concerns about the cumulative loss of taxable land in Clallam County, noting that roughly 70 percent of the county is already publicly owned and exempt from property taxes when federal, state, local, and tribal lands are combined. The county warns that continued transfers into trust status shift increasing tax burdens onto remaining private property owners while reducing the land base that funds schools, fire districts, hospitals, libraries, roads, and local government services. The response also raises concerns about inconsistent zoning oversight once land enters trust status, particularly when parcels are not adjacent to existing reservation lands. The county notes that trust lands are no longer subject to many local land use regulations, potentially creating situations where neighboring properties operate under entirely different rules. Most notably, the county formally requested that the BIA encourage tribes to enter into agreements similar to the “payment in lieu of taxes” arrangement associated with the Quileute Tribe, recognizing the growing strain placed on local taxpayers and taxing districts. For years, many residents were told these conversations either could not happen, should not happen, or were inappropriate to discuss publicly. Now, they are happening in official county correspondence. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.ccwatchdog.com [https://www.ccwatchdog.com?utm_medium=podcast&utm_campaign=CTA_1]

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episode A $37 Million Bridge, Tribal Branding, and Unanswered Questions artwork

A $37 Million Bridge, Tribal Branding, and Unanswered Questions

A new $37 million bridge in Jefferson County is being celebrated as a triumph of climate resilience, salmon restoration, and tribal leadership. But behind the ribbon cuttings and ceremonial blessings are larger questions taxpayers should be asking. Why was a Clallam County tribe leading a major infrastructure project in another county? Why is a bridge paid for with public funds decorated with the symbols of a sovereign nation? And why are many of the same organizations involved in regional flood-control projects continuing to receive public trust despite the unresolved questions surrounding the Towne Road debacle? When most people think about major transportation projects, they assume local governments are in charge. Jefferson County roads are managed by Jefferson County. State highways are managed by WSDOT. Federal highways are managed by federal agencies. Yet when the ribbon was cut on the new Twana Bridge in Quilcene last month, the organization front and center was not Jefferson County. It was the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe. According to the Tribe’s June 2026 newsletter, the project has been more than a decade in the making and includes replacement of the old 81-foot bridge on Linger Longer Road with a new 1,140-foot structure spanning the Big Quilcene River. The overall construction effort is expected to cost approximately $37 million. The project was funded through a combination of state and federal sources secured by the Tribe and project partners. The actual construction work was performed by outside contractors, including Cascade Bridge and Bruch & Bruch Construction. The newsletter portrays the bridge as much more than a transportation project. It is repeatedly described as a climate-resilience project, a flood-reduction project, and a salmon-restoration project. Jamestown Chairman and CEO Ron Allen stated: “Replacement of the bridge restores the natural function of the river, a healthy habitat supporting salmon recovery, and honors the deep cultural connections of the S’Klallam people.” The newsletter further explains that restoration work will create what it calls “world class salmon habitat” that will produce large numbers of salmon “for the benefit of the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe and other treaty tribes as well as non-treaty fishers.” It also states that restoration of the floodplain will provide major benefits for shellfish habitat in Quilcene Bay and further the Tribe’s goal of enhancing treaty resources. Those statements deserve attention. Treaty resources are not simply an environmental concept. They are economic resources. Salmon, shellfish, and other marine species support tribal fisheries and harvest opportunities. The newsletter openly acknowledges that habitat restoration associated with this bridge project is expected to increase those resources. None of that is hidden. The Tribe proudly says so. But it raises an obvious question. If the bridge serves transportation needs for the public, flood-control objectives for the community, and resource enhancement objectives for the Tribe, how much of the project was driven by public infrastructure needs versus resource-management goals? Taxpayers deserve to understand the answer. Another question involves symbolism. Photos from the dedication ceremony show the bridge adorned with Jamestown S’Klallam artwork and tribal design elements. The newsletter celebrates the bridge with tribal songs, blessings, cedar brushing ceremonies, and extensive tribal branding. There is nothing inherently wrong with recognizing the cultural history of a region. But this is not a bridge on tribal land. It is not a private facility. It is a public bridge funded through public dollars and intended for use by everyone. Some residents may reasonably ask whether infrastructure funded by all taxpayers should be presented primarily through the lens of a single government or cultural group, regardless of who led the project. The newsletter also repeatedly emphasizes flood protection. According to project descriptions, the new bridge and levee improvements are intended to provide protection exceeding a 1,000-year flood standard and improve safety for downstream residents. That sounds reassuring. Yet many residents of Clallam County may remember another flood-related project involving the Jamestown Tribe: Towne Road. During that project, the Jamestown Corporation deliberately removed a dike before replacement protections were fully in place, exposing hundreds of downstream residents to substantial flood risk. Internal communications released during subsequent investigations described scenarios so severe that one tribal communication referenced helicopters [https://www.ccwatchdog.com/p/loss-of-human-life-would-be-a-real?utm_source=publication-search] circling a disaster area and speculating about the number of fatalities. “The water will drop about 10 vertical feet in a distance of about 100’ into Meadowbrook Creek. The erosive action of this flow could quickly head cut through the road, causing a blowout. Then the 50-acre lake suddenly drains. If it drains in 4 minutes, the flow raging through Dungeness and hitting 3 Crabs Road would be approximately 18,000 cfs. A Dungeness River 1,000-year flood is 13,528 cfs. News helicopters would circle the devastation and speculate on the number of dead. The County, Tribe, and the Corps would be embroiled in wrongful death suits for years or decades.” — Jamestown Corporation’s Habitat Program Manager Years later, residents are still asking for a full accounting of what happened, who made critical decisions, how much it cost, and what lessons were learned. Those questions remain largely unanswered. That history makes the Twana Bridge project impossible to evaluate in isolation. If organizations seek public trust as leaders in regional flood-control and restoration projects, they should also be willing to address concerns surrounding previous projects where things did not go according to plan. To be clear, the Twana Bridge appears to be a remarkable engineering achievement. Replacing a flood-prone bridge with a modern structure that improves access and reduces flood exposure is a worthwhile accomplishment. But public infrastructure should always come with public accountability. The newsletter celebrates the bridge as a victory for climate resilience, salmon restoration, treaty resources, transportation infrastructure, and community partnerships. What it does not fully address are the broader questions many taxpayers are asking: * Why was a Clallam County tribe the lead force behind a major Jefferson County transportation project? * How much influence do tribal priorities have in determining which regional infrastructure projects move forward? * What public oversight exists when projects are funded through a complex web of federal grants, state agencies, nonprofits, counties, and tribal governments? * And why, after the controversies surrounding Towne Road, has there never been a complete public reckoning with what happened there? Those are questions worth asking. One final note: the Jamestown newsletter itself is worth reading. For years, these publications provided a fascinating look inside one of the North Olympic Peninsula’s largest employers, most influential institutions, and most politically connected organizations. The newsletters contain information on economic development, natural resources, healthcare, cultural programs, government affairs, and major regional projects that affect the entire community. Today, those newsletters are no longer readily available to the general public. That is unfortunate. Whether residents agree with the Tribe’s priorities or not, understanding the activities of one of the most powerful organizations on the Olympic Peninsula is important for anyone trying to understand how the region is changing. “An informed citizenry is at the heart of a dynamic democracy.” — Thomas Jefferson Today’s Tidbit The Jamestown newsletter contained several other noteworthy items. Among them was the Tribe’s continued promotion of a weekly food bank pop-up event held at the Jefferson County Immigrant Rights Advocates Multicultural Center in Port Townsend. According to the announcement, no income verification is required to receive food assistance. However, participation is limited to individuals who identify as Black, Indigenous, or other people of color, as well as members of the 2SLGBTQIA+ community. The newsletter also highlights opportunities for non-tribal community members to volunteer in the Jamestown community garden. Participants are invited to help maintain the garden while bringing their own beverages and a food item to share. The invitation presents an interesting dynamic: members of the public donating their time and labor to support a community garden operated by one of the most financially successful and influential organizations on the North Olympic Peninsula. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.ccwatchdog.com [https://www.ccwatchdog.com?utm_medium=podcast&utm_campaign=CTA_1]

3 de jun de 202644 min
episode The Two Mike Frenches artwork

The Two Mike Frenches

When Clallam County’s controversial Conservation District parcel fee came up for a vote, Commissioner Mike French cast the lone dissenting vote and portrayed himself as standing up for struggling rural residents. But public records, meeting footage, and even French’s own campaign statements tell a different story. Long before the fee reached the commissioners’ desk, French was one of the Conservation District’s strongest advocates, openly questioning why county government wasn’t doing more to permanently fund the agency. So what changed? The fee—or the politics surrounding it? Here we are in the first year of the Clallam Conservation District collecting its controversial $5-per-parcel fee, a revenue stream projected to transfer roughly $2 million from property owners to the agency over the next decade. The Conservation District has a fresh new website [https://www.clallamcd.org], a polished public image, and ambitions to expand its role. The county commissioners even approved a generous new payscale for district employees. According to an April presentation to county commissioners, however, the agency is still working to determine exactly “where its place is” in county wildfire planning. District leaders also indicated they need to do a better job telling their story and are considering hiring a consultant to help do it. Meanwhile, the agency recently submitted a letter of support to the Washington Department of Ecology backing a Jamestown Corporation proposal to identify alternative irrigation water sources for the Cedars at Dungeness Golf Course, including the possibility of drilling deeper wells to keep the 122-acre course green during the driest months of the year. That detail is particularly noteworthy because tribal trust lands—including the golf course—are exempt from the parcel fee. In other words, ordinary property owners are paying the fee while the Conservation District is spending time supporting efforts that could benefit landowners who do not pay into the program at all. Yet perhaps the most interesting story isn’t the Conservation District. It’s Commissioner Mike French. The Vote That Didn’t Match the Rhetoric When the parcel fee came before the Board of Commissioners [https://www.ccwatchdog.com/p/commissioners-approve-5-ccd-parcel?utm_source=publication-search], the vote was not unanimous. Commissioners Mark Ozias and Randy Johnson supported the fee, while Commissioner Mike French cast the lone dissenting vote. French explained that while he respected the Conservation District and valued its work, he was uncomfortable asking residents in the western half of the county—many of whom live in rural and economically struggling communities—to pay a fee when much of the CCD’s focus appeared concentrated in eastern Clallam County. He challenged the agency to provide more services to District 3 residents, mentioning possibilities such as rainwater catchment programs and septic-related assistance, and repeatedly apologized for voting against the measure. To many observers, it sounded like a principled stand on behalf of rural taxpayers. It was one of the few times the commissioners did not vote in lockstep and one of the rare occasions where French positioned himself in opposition to a new fee. There was only one problem. Just weeks earlier, French had been making the exact opposite argument. Three Weeks Earlier During discussions surrounding the Conservation District on September 2nd, French argued passionately that the agency provided essential public benefits and that county residents depended on its work. “The most essential need that we as humans have is water,” he said. “It’s clean and available water.” French emphasized that both residents and commerce relied on the Conservation District’s expertise and suggested that ensuring stable funding for the organization was an important public responsibility. While he expressed some hesitation about enforcement provisions that could place liens against property owners who failed to pay the fee, he ultimately accepted those provisions because they would help ensure the fee could actually be collected. More notably, French voiced support for the ten-year duration of the fee because it effectively “locks the people in.” That is a remarkable statement for a politician who now frequently campaigns on affordability concerns and the financial pressures facing working families. The same commissioner who later voted against the fee had previously defended the mechanisms that would make the fee mandatory, enforceable, and long-lasting. So which Mike French is the real Mike French? The answer may lie not in the parcel fee debate itself, but in comments French made years before he became a county commissioner. Rewind Four Years To answer that question, it helps to go back to October 2022, when then-Port Angeles City Councilmember Mike French participated in a League of Women Voters virtual candidate forum against incumbent Commissioner Bill Peach. The moderator asked a question that remains relevant today: How can Clallam County ensure a sufficient water supply while continuing to build housing developments? Peach discussed long-term planning and the Dungeness River Off-Channel Reservoir. French’s answer took a different direction. Rather than focusing on a specific water project, French praised the Conservation District extensively and expressed disappointment that county commissioners were not doing more to provide stable funding for the organization. “One question I was disappointed that no Clallam County Commissioner asked was how can we plan on permanently supporting the Clallam County Conservation District’s budget to make sure that they’re not just dependent on grants to make sure that they’re doing the work to preserve our water quality and quantity all the time whether or not a yearly grant cycle doesn’t go their way.” Years before the parcel fee proposal reached the Board of Commissioners, Mike French was publicly calling for permanent funding for the Conservation District. Not temporary funding. Not grant funding. Permanent funding. The parcel fee that eventually came before the commissioners would accomplish exactly what French had argued for years earlier. In hindsight, one could reasonably argue that the commissioner who ultimately voted against the fee was also one of the people most responsible for laying the philosophical groundwork supporting it. What French Believes About Rural Living The debate footage also provides a revealing glimpse into how French views growth, development, and rural communities. During the same discussion, he argued that Clallam County’s high number of private wells was evidence of poor planning. “Clallam County I believe has the most private wells per capita of any county in the state,” French said. “That means that we haven’t done a good job planning around water use in the past.” For many residents, that statement is worth pausing on. French wasn’t simply discussing water policy. He was describing one of the defining characteristics of rural Clallam County as evidence of planning failure. He went on to argue that dense urban housing conserves more water and energy than rural development, stating that “building dense urban housing does more to conserve water and energy than anything else we can do.” Throughout the discussion, French repeatedly emphasized clustering people together in urban areas and limiting suburban sprawl. He argued that suburban development results in people relying on individual wells, driving longer distances, and consuming more resources. “Suburban sprawl is where we lose all of that conservation opportunity,” French said. “Where people have individual wells, where people are driving long distances and using those natural resources.” He continued by arguing that cities are where future density should be concentrated because residents can share infrastructure and resources more efficiently. That perspective may resonate with planners and environmental advocates, but many rural residents would likely see things differently. People do not move to Joyce, Beaver, Clallam Bay, Agnew, or other unincorporated parts of Clallam County because they want to live in dense housing developments. They move there specifically because they do not. The ability to own property, maintain a private well, enjoy open space, and live independently is not viewed as a planning failure by many county residents. It is the very reason they chose to live there in the first place. The comments are revealing because they demonstrate that French’s support for the Conservation District was never simply about water quality. It was connected to a broader vision of land use, growth management, housing density, and how people should live. The Politics of a Dissenting Vote This is where timing becomes difficult to ignore. After Jake Seegers delivered 1,032 signatures from residents opposing the parcel fee, public opposition became impossible to dismiss. The proposal had become controversial, and elected officials knew it. French also knew something else. The votes were already there.Ozias was going to support the fee.Johnson was going to support the fee.The measure was going to pass regardless of how French voted. A dissenting vote suddenly carried very little risk. The Conservation District would still receive its permanent funding. The fee would still be collected. The agency would still get exactly what French had advocated for years earlier. At the same time, French could position himself as the lone commissioner standing with taxpayers. Whether that was genuine conviction or political strategy is something voters will have to decide for themselves. But it is difficult to ignore the optics. The commissioner who once publicly questioned why the county wasn’t permanently funding the Conservation District became the commissioner who voted against the funding mechanism only after it became politically unpopular. With reelection looming, many observers viewed the vote less as a principled stand and more as a carefully calculated political maneuver. French could now claim he sided with the people while knowing the fee would pass anyway. What the Record Reveals The Conservation District got its funding. The fee passed. Property owners will continue paying it for the next decade. What remains is a question of leadership. As Mike French asks voters for another term, they will have to decide whether his opposition to the fee reflected a genuine change of heart or a politically convenient vote on a measure that was already guaranteed to pass. The answer may say less about the Conservation District and more about the kind of leadership voters can expect in the years ahead. “The politician’s promises are like babies: easy to make, hard to deliver.” — Common political proverb Today’s Tidbit: Protecting Protection Island Some of the very environmental advocates who helped create Protection Island National Wildlife Refuge are now raising concerns about the proposed transfer of the refuge to the Jamestown Corporation. At a recent gathering at Cape George, longtime conservation leader Lorna Smith—who played a key role in the effort to establish Protection Island as a national wildlife refuge in the 1970s and 1980s—joined her husband Darrell Smith and others to discuss both the refuge’s history and unanswered questions surrounding the proposed transfer. Also attending were family members of Eleanor Stopps, one of the women credited with helping save the island through a grassroots campaign that ultimately won bipartisan support and President Ronald Reagan’s signature. The Smiths questioned why ownership needs to change when the Tribe already receives federal funding to co-manage the refuge and tribal leaders have previously described the co-management arrangement as successful. They also raised concerns about future aquaculture activities, regulatory authority, public oversight, and whether future tribal leadership could make decisions that affect the refuge’s wildlife habitat without broader public input. Whether readers agree with their concerns or not, it is important to recognize who is raising these questions. These are not anti-environment activists. They are people who dedicated decades of their lives to protecting Protection Island and Dungeness Spit in the first place. For those interested in learning more about the history of the refuge and the concerns being raised, consider following and subscribing to conservation advocate Al Bergstein’s blog [https://olyopen.com/2026/06/01/meeting-held-to-discuss-protection-island/], where he continues to provide updates and commentary on this issue. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.ccwatchdog.com [https://www.ccwatchdog.com?utm_medium=podcast&utm_campaign=CTA_1]

Ayer44 min
episode Ann Soule Wants Someone to Blame for High Gas Prices. She Forgot to Mention Washington State. artwork

Ann Soule Wants Someone to Blame for High Gas Prices. She Forgot to Mention Washington State.

A recent letter to the editor by League of Women Voters activist Ann Soule blames oil companies, the President, Congress, the Supreme Court, and nearly everyone else for high gasoline prices. What her letter never mentions is Washington State's own role in creating some of the highest fuel costs in America. The omissions raise an uncomfortable question: when activists support policies that directly increase fuel costs, can they fairly complain about the consequences those same policies create? Many Clallam County residents recognize the name Ann Soule. She serves on the County’s Marine Resources Committee, which recommended to the commissioners [https://www.ccwatchdog.com/p/county-advises-retreat-or-removal?utm_source=publication-search] that flooding in the Three Crabs area should be dealt with by “retreat or removal” of the homes and road. Through the League of Women Voters, she has pushed for the creation of a county Water Steward position. She has participated in Peninsula Behavioral Health initiatives, including turning the first shovelful of dirt at the NGO’s North View low-barrier, luxury, permanent housing complex [https://www.ccwatchdog.com/p/dishpan-hands-a-barrier-to-success?utm_source=publication-search] — a publicly funded project that offers harbor views, rooftop terraces, a dog-washing station, and other amenities, with an average price of $350,000 per unit. Recently, Soule authored a Peninsula Daily News letter titled “Oil Repercussions,” arguing that oil companies are reaping excessive profits while consumers struggle under high gasoline prices. In her view, political corruption, insider trading, corporate greed, and Republican leadership deserve much of the blame. What was missing from her analysis, however, was perhaps the single largest state-level factor affecting fuel prices in Washington: Washington State government itself. The Missing Piece of the Story Washington routinely ranks among the most expensive states in America for gasoline. At the time of this writing, only California has higher average fuel prices. Neighboring Idaho is more than a dollar per gallon cheaper. If corporate greed alone explained the difference, one would expect similar prices throughout the region. Instead, Washington has spent years layering taxes, regulations, and climate policies onto the cost of fuel. The most significant of those policies is the Climate Commitment Act. The CCA established a cap-and-invest carbon auction system that requires fuel suppliers to purchase emissions allowances before bringing fuel to market. Those costs are then passed through the supply chain and ultimately to consumers. “It’s not as though their costs have gone up; they’re playing the market because they can.” — Ann Soule Whether someone supports or opposes the Climate Commitment Act, the basic economics are not controversial. The program increases the cost of fuel distribution in Washington. A Return on Investment What costs working families more money at the pump can simultaneously become additional revenue elsewhere. State Senator Marko Liias, who represents the 21st Legislative District in Snohomish County—not the Olympic Peninsula—was one of the leading advocates for the transportation package that increased Washington’s gas tax by six cents per gallon last year. Campaign finance records show that the Jamestown Tribe made the maximum allowable contribution to Liias’ campaign in 2023. At first glance, it raises an obvious question: why would a tribe on the Olympic Peninsula financially support a legislator from the Seattle-area suburbs? One possible answer is that policy matters more than geography. For most Washington residents, the six-cent gas tax increase means higher costs every time they fill their tank. But the impact extends far beyond gasoline. Because nearly everything on the Olympic Peninsula arrives by truck, fuel taxes become a hidden cost embedded in groceries, baby formula, building supplies, farm products, restaurant deliveries, and countless other necessities. Families pay the tax directly at the pump and indirectly through higher prices on everyday goods. For some tribal fuel retailers, however, the equation looks different. Under existing fuel-tax compacts, tribal gas stations can retain 75 percent of the state gas tax [https://www.ccwatchdog.com/p/fueling-funding-shortfalls?utm_source=publication-search] collected on fuel sales. That means a six-cent gas tax increase translates into roughly 4.5 cents per gallon in additional retained revenue for qualifying tribal stations. If a high-volume station such as Jamestown’s Longhouse Market sells 400,000 gallons of fuel per month—a figure that is not unreasonable for a major highway fuel stop—that increase could generate approximately $18,000 in additional monthly revenue, or more than $216,000 per year. Viewed through that lens, a $2,400 campaign contribution begins to look less like political generosity and more like a remarkably good investment. The Tax Activists Support A repeal effort targeting the Climate Commitment Act reached Washington voters. Among those campaigning to preserve the program [https://www.ccwatchdog.com/p/joined-at-the-hip?utm_source=publication-search] was Clallam County Commissioner Mark Ozias. That support was hardly surprising. The Climate Commitment Act generates billions of dollars that flow to government agencies, environmental programs, nonprofits, and tribal governments, including projects involving the Jamestown Corporation, Ozias’ top campaign contributor. The Water App Nobody Talks About One example of a CCA beneficiary is the League of Women Voters’ Future of Water Committee [https://lwvcla.clubexpress.com/content.aspx?page_id=22&club_id=851536&module_id=450073], which helped develop a digital app allowing users to monitor Dungeness River flow conditions. The project was presented as a community education tool and, on its face, appears civic-minded and useful. What received far less attention was where the funding originated. According to publicly reported information, software development was financed through a grant administered by the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe using money that ultimately came from Washington’s Climate Commitment Act funding stream. That means a project promoted by Soule and her colleagues was funded, at least indirectly, through revenues generated by the same climate policies contributing to Washington’s unusually high fuel prices. Just Buy an EV? Perhaps the most striking portion of Soule’s letter comes near the end, where she offers a solution to rising fuel prices: buy an electric vehicle or hybrid. That recommendation may sound reasonable from the perspective of environmental activists, but for many Clallam County families, it reflects a disconnect from economic reality. Median household income in the county hovers around $60,000 per year. Families are already struggling with housing costs, insurance increases, utility bills, inflation, and grocery prices. Telling those families that the answer to expensive gasoline is purchasing a $40,000 vehicle is a bit like telling someone worried about food prices to buy a second refrigerator and start shopping in bulk. Even used electric vehicles can cost tens of thousands of dollars. Many households simply do not have that kind of money available. Selective Outrage None of this means global events do not affect fuel prices. They do. Wars matter. Supply disruptions matter. International instability matters. But acknowledging those realities does not require ignoring state policies that also increase costs. What makes Soule’s letter noteworthy is not that she criticizes oil companies. Many people do. What stands out is the selective nature of the criticism. When oil companies make money, she sees profiteering. When government-backed climate programs increase costs but fund projects supported by the “nonpartisan” League of Women Voters, those costs disappear from the conversation. When working families struggle with higher energy expenses, the solution becomes buying a different car. When policies supported by environmental activists create financial burdens for residents, responsibility is assigned elsewhere. If gasoline prices are too high, every contributing factor should be on the table, including Washington’s carbon auctions, fuel taxes, regulatory costs, and the sovereign, governmental, and political interests that benefit from them. Ann Soule’s letter points toward oil companies, politicians in Washington D.C., and events happening thousands of miles away. It says very little about the policies, taxes, and beneficiaries much closer to home. If we’re going to follow the money, the trail shouldn’t end when it becomes politically inconvenient. "People are more likely to notice what is wrong with others than what is wrong with themselves." — Leo Tolstoy Today’s Tidbit: Emily Randall If you’d like to see how Congresswoman Emily Randall’s town hall in Chimacum went last week, the entire event was recorded and posted on YouTube. 5:30 — How can young people help?9:25 — Transfer of National Wildlife Refuges to Jamestown Tribe #1.16:50 — Transfer of National Wildlife Refuges #2.19:20 — Can you help with kidnappings by ICE?26:05 — How do we restore the Voting Rights Act?31:00 — Lethal removal of seals and sea lions.34:45 — Also, the lethal removal of marine mammals. 38:15 — Infectious diseases.43:20 — Artificial Intelligence.47:50 — Nationalizing Artificial Intelligence.49:40 — Military Industrial Complex. Here is the Port Angeles Food Bank van mentioned in the podcast: The real estate video also mentioned in the podcast: This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.ccwatchdog.com [https://www.ccwatchdog.com?utm_medium=podcast&utm_campaign=CTA_1]

1 de jun de 202645 min
episode Johanna Bartee Turns the Tables on Jake Seegers artwork

Johanna Bartee Turns the Tables on Jake Seegers

In this special edition of Sundays with Seegers, what begins as Jake Seegers interviewing local businesswoman Johanna Bartee quickly takes an unexpected turn. Bartee, a lifelong Clallam County resident who returned home after nearly two decades away, flips the script and puts the candidate in the hot seat. The result is one of the most personal and revealing conversations yet about the District 3 County Commissioner candidate. Listeners will learn about Seegers’ upbringing, his family’s roots in nonprofit medical work, his education, his year working in Manhattan’s financial world, and his current consulting role with a family investment company. For those wondering whether Seegers is really a “real estate investor,” the conversation explores his actual professional background in finance, portfolio management, business analysis, and family investments. Bartee draws out stories about Seegers’ journey from Montana State University to Ohio State business school, his experience in New York finance, and ultimately why he chose to trade a high-powered career path for life on the Olympic Peninsula. The discussion also explores what motivated him to enter local politics after years of feeling that residents were being ignored by their elected officials. The conversation goes beyond campaign talking points. Seegers explains his priorities for county government—public safety, economic development, fiscal responsibility, and affordability—and repeatedly emphasizes the importance of measuring outcomes rather than simply counting inputs. He argues that government should focus less on how many services are provided and more on whether those services actually improve lives. Listeners will also get to know Johanna Bartee. She shares her perspective as a business owner, commercial property owner, and community volunteer who chose to return to the place she grew up. The discussion explores the challenges facing downtown Port Angeles, including public safety concerns, rising costs, and the struggle many small businesses face just to survive. Bartee also discusses the importance of financial literacy, responsible stewardship of taxpayer dollars, and why so many young people leave Clallam County and never return. Together, the two examine the question that weighs heavily on many local families: Why aren’t more people able to build successful careers and raise families in the communities where they grew up? The answers touch on affordability, economic opportunity, entrepreneurship, education, and the future of the North Olympic Peninsula. This episode also serves as the public unveiling of much of what voters will soon see in Seegers’ official voters’ pamphlet statement. While District 3 voters typically narrow the commissioner field to two candidates during the August primary, only two candidates have filed for the position this year. That means the August vote will not determine who advances, but it will provide the first indicator of voter sentiment heading into the general election. In November, voters across Clallam County will decide who will occupy one of the most influential positions in county government. For anyone wanting to understand not just what Jake Seegers believes, but who he is, where he came from, and what experiences shaped those beliefs, this conversation offers a detailed look behind the campaign before ballots begin arriving in mailboxes. “There are a lot of very interesting, intelligent, talented people that I grew up with that have a lot of potential, but they choose to build their lives elsewhere for a lot of different reasons.” — Johanna Bartee The Voters’ Pamphlet Elected Experience: None Professional Experience: Portfolio Manager, Palomino Investments; Real Estate Investor; Founder, operator, former owner, The Natchez Pearl Inn; Buy-side analyst, Wilson Capital Management. Earlier roles: General manager and server, Mackenzie River Pizza Company; Substitute teacher; Preschool Spanish teacher; Ranch hand. Education: MBA (Investment Finance/Accounting), Ohio State University; BS, Biomedical Sciences, Montana State University. Community Service: 4PA clean-up crew; 4PA Campus Committee; Surfrider and CoastSavers beach clean-ups; volunteer at Harbor of Hope. As a teenager, Jake served alongside his parents providing healthcare to the Tarahumara people in the mountains of Northern Mexico. He continues to pursue solutions directly with community members experiencing homelessness. Candidate Statement: It’s time for common-sense leadership. County government must focus on its core mission, which is to deliver essential services and empower efficient, community-driven solutions. If you elect me, every decision will be guided by two questions: Is it essential? Is it effective? Public safety is my top priority. Failed policies have fueled homelessness and open drug abuse in our neighborhoods, parks, and watersheds. Instead of measuring inputs—beds filled, meals served, supplies distributed—we must measure outcomes: recovery from addiction and graduation from homelessness to self-sufficiency. I will work to make Clallam County a magnet for high-quality, high-paying employers. Safe, clean public spaces, streamlined permitting, and skilled workforce development will give businesses confidence that their investments are protected and their partnerships valued. Housing must be attainable for working families. I will push back on costly mandates, work to reduce county fees, and empower local solutions that expand affordability. Drawing on my business background, I will restore oversight to the county budget. I’ll demand transparency and measurable results for every taxpayer dollar. I’m running to restore public safety, economic opportunity, affordability, fiscal responsibility, and trust in local government. Together we can return to common-sense leadership. Editor’s Note: CC Watchdog editor Jeff Tozzer also serves as campaign manager for Jake Seegers during his run for Clallam County Commissioner, District 3. Learn more at www.JakeSeegers.com [http://www.jakeseegers.com/]. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.ccwatchdog.com [https://www.ccwatchdog.com?utm_medium=podcast&utm_campaign=CTA_1]

31 de may de 20261 h 25 min
episode The NGO Revolving Door: The Commissioners Keep Writing Checks While Taxpayers Get Locked Out artwork

The NGO Revolving Door: The Commissioners Keep Writing Checks While Taxpayers Get Locked Out

A simple email exchange between a Clallam County resident and Habitat for Humanity reflects a growing frustration across the county: taxpayers fund projects, commissioners celebrate the spending, and nonprofits ask for more money, but when citizens ask basic questions about results or accountability, the answers become vague. From stalled housing projects to nonprofit financial failures, the same pattern keeps repeating itself while residents asking questions are treated like the problem. “The Project Is Not at the Stage to Share This Information Yet” A short email exchange between a Clallam County resident and Habitat for Humanity of Clallam County may perfectly capture the culture that now defines local government. The resident asked a simple question: What project was using the $800,000 the Clallam County Commissioners approved for Habitat through the county’s Opportunity Fund? The money, Habitat explained, was going toward “Lyons Landing,” a proposed 45-home development in Carlsborg. Then came the obvious follow-up question: Can taxpayers see the grant numbers, project numbers, and cost centers to understand how the money is being spent? That answer was different. “The project is not at the stage to share this information yet.” Habitat’s CEO, Colleen Robinson, was copied on the exchange more a week ago and, as of publication, has not responded to the resident’s questions. It has now been a year and a half since county commissioners approved the funding. Aside from a ceremonial groundbreaking photo opportunity featuring county officials, Habitat leadership, and tribal representatives standing together with shovels in a vacant lot, little work has occurred on the property north of Sunny Farms in Carlsborg. And that response — “we’re not ready to share that information yet” — says a great deal about how Clallam County now operates. Public Money, Private Transparency To be fair, Habitat for Humanity is legally within its rights. It is a nonprofit organization, not a government agency. Once taxpayer money leaves county government and is handed to an NGO, much of the public transparency disappears with it. Citizens cannot demand internal budgets the way they can from government departments. Public records laws no longer apply in the same way. The money may have originated from taxpayers, but once it changes hands, public visibility ends. That is exactly why oversight before funding approvals matters so much. The controversy surrounding Lyons Landing began in late 2024 [https://www.ccwatchdog.com/p/the-advantages-of-being-disadvantaged?utm_source=publication-search] when the Opportunity Fund Advisory Board recommended awarding Habitat $800,000 for the project. The Opportunity Fund collects a portion of local sales tax revenue and distributes it to economic development projects throughout the county. Problems emerged after it became public that Habitat did not intend to competitively bid major portions of the development. Instead, significant excavation, surveying, and concrete work was expected to go to Jamestown Corporation businesses. The issue raised eyebrows because Jamestown Corporation had also donated $50,000 to Habitat for Humanity. The county paused the award for months while legal review examined whether public funds could legally be used in a project structure that appeared to bypass traditional competitive bidding requirements intended to protect taxpayers and ensure fair pricing. Eventually, the funding was approved. Today, the property still sits vacant. That makes the public’s questions entirely reasonable. What work has been completed? How much of the $800,000 has been spent? What exactly are taxpayers funding? Instead of answers, the public is increasingly told to simply trust the process. When Journalism Starts Reading Like Advertising At the same time taxpayers are being denied answers, local newspapers continue publishing glowing nonprofit-written features celebrating community partnerships, fundraising dinners, wine tastings, and awareness campaigns. One recent Habitat for Humanity article spent far more time discussing silent auctions, wine festivals, and “turning strangers into supporters” than it did discussing measurable housing production. Readers were told repeatedly how important Habitat’s mission is and why the organization needs continued support. What readers were not told was how many homes Habitat is currently delivering annually, how much each completed housing unit costs, how long projects are taking, or how much taxpayer money is now flowing into the organization from local government sources. Another detail stood out as well. Many of Habitat’s major fundraising events are hosted at Jamestown Corporation properties, including Cedars at Dungeness. That raises a reasonable question: do other local venues ever have the opportunity to host these high-profile nonprofit events and receive the economic benefit and exposure that comes with them? Or are these relationships increasingly concentrated among politically connected organizations and tribal enterprises? The question becomes even more relevant given Habitat’s emphasis on its Native American Housing Liaison program [https://www.ccwatchdog.com/p/habitat-for-humanity-or-habit-for?utm_source=publication-search] and its close partnerships with Jamestown entities. These are not unreasonable questions. In a healthy civic environment, they would simply be part of public accountability. Instead, people who ask them are often treated as troublemakers. The Humane Society Warning Signs Everyone Ignored This same pattern has repeated itself across Clallam County for years. One of the clearest examples occurred during a December 2023 Clallam County Commissioner work session involving the Olympic Peninsula Humane Society. Executive Director Luanne Hinkle appeared before commissioners requesting an increase in county funding from $104,000 annually to $125,000 annually. Hinkle opened the presentation by explaining that her goal was to show commissioners that county money was “very well spent.” Commissioners asked one of the most basic financial questions imaginable: what is the cost per kennel? Hinkle said it was difficult to calculate. No estimate was provided. No follow-up pressure came from the commissioners. During the presentation, Hinkle acknowledged that animals were regularly transferred into the shelter system from outside Clallam County. The discussion relied heavily on emotional appeals about vulnerable animals, overcrowding, and community tensions, but offered little hard financial analysis. The commissioners praised the organization anyway. Then came perhaps the most revealing moment of the entire meeting. As the discussion wrapped up, Commissioner Randy Johnson’s final question was not about costs, operational efficiency, or financial sustainability. “Are you and your husband planning a trip when you retire?” he asked. Within months, the Humane Society suffered a financial collapse [https://www.ccwatchdog.com/p/humane-society-hits-ruff-patch?utm_source=publication-search] that shocked much of the community. The Bark House facility shut down. Dog intake operations effectively stopped. Reports surfaced alleging serious internal dysfunction [https://www.ccwatchdog.com/p/inhumane-society?utm_source=publication-search], including claims involving employee treatment and controlled substances intended for animals. Financial records showed that while revenue had significantly declined, salaries and compensation had surged. IRS Form 990 filings showed total revenue dropping from roughly $1.5 million to $1.18 million in a single year, while salaries, compensation, and benefits increased from approximately $758,000 to more than $1 million. Luanne Hinkle’s compensation jumped nearly 50 percent in one year, rising from about $95,000 to nearly $142,000. At the same time, tax documents showed that only 8% of total spending went directly toward animal care itself. Yet despite all of this, the Humane Society had already received taxpayer support, public praise, and minimal scrutiny from county leadership. The Weekly NGO Parade And that is the broader story here. Every week, nonprofits rotate through county commissioner meetings asking for taxpayer money. Housing nonprofits. Behavioral health nonprofits. Arts nonprofits. Food nonprofits. Animal nonprofits. Outreach nonprofits. The presentations are almost always emotional. The scrutiny is almost always light. The commissioners routinely thank the organizations for their work, praise their missions, and approve additional funding. Sometimes those same commissioners simultaneously sit on boards connected to the very nonprofits receiving public money. One recent example is OlyCAP’s “safe parking” program [https://www.ccwatchdog.com/p/the-olycap-illusion-public-money?utm_source=publication-search] in Sequim, where over $118,000 in taxpayer funding was approved for what amounts to three overnight parking spaces. Residents asking where the money is going and what measurable outcomes justify the expense have struggled to get clear answers from either OlyCAP or the county. The silence is especially troubling because Commissioner Mike French not only voted on funding connected to OlyCAP, but he also sits on OlyCAP’s board [https://www.ccwatchdog.com/p/when-county-commissioners-fund-the?utm_source=publication-search]. That dual role creates an obvious expectation for transparency and accountability, yet residents increasingly feel they are met with silence. Questions about measurable outcomes, operational efficiency, and financial accountability are often secondary to narratives about compassion, partnerships, and community investment. Meanwhile, taxpayers increasingly feel like the only people ever told “no” are the citizens asking for transparency. The Disappearance of the Local Watchdog The larger problem is cultural. Local journalism once acted as a watchdog over government and public spending. Increasingly, many local publications now resemble public relations platforms for government agencies, nonprofits, and publicly funded initiatives. Residents are constantly told how transformative programs are, how critical funding is, and why even more taxpayer support is necessary. What is often missing are measurable outcomes and adversarial scrutiny. How many homes were built?How many people exited homelessness permanently?How much did each project cost taxpayers?What are the actual performance metrics?What happens when organizations fail? Those questions are becoming rarer and rarer. Instead, the public is asked to trust institutions that increasingly resist transparency while continuing to demand larger amounts of taxpayer money. This Is the Culture Now This has become the norm in Clallam County. Government praises nonprofits. Nonprofits praise government. Local media amplifies both. Taxpayers fund the entire system while struggling to obtain basic answers about where the money went and whether any of it is actually working. Commissioners get to look compassionate and generous while handing out public money. NGOs receive funding, glowing media coverage, and reduced scrutiny. Meanwhile, residents asking hard questions are portrayed as cynical, divisive, or anti-community. And while millions continue flowing into studies, outreach programs, partnerships, consultants, and nonprofit initiatives, many residents increasingly feel the county’s most basic responsibilities — public safety, infrastructure, accountability, and transparency — are slipping further out of reach. This is not an isolated incident. It is the culture. And until voters demand something different, the revolving door will continue spinning exactly as it does now. “The bureaucracy is expanding to meet the needs of the expanding bureaucracy.” — Oscar Wilde Today’s Tidbit: Jake in Joyce Join County Commissioner candidate Jake Seegers this Saturday at the Joyce General Store for a casual Community Conversation focused on the future of Clallam County. Stop by anytime between noon and 2pm to meet Jake, share your concerns, pick up a yard sign, and sign the growing petition [https://www.ccwatchdog.com/p/reopening-the-elwhaa-community-led?utm_source=publication-search] to restore access to Olympic National Park by reopening Olympic Hot Springs Road into the Elwha Valley. The petition effort is calling on state and federal leaders to prioritize restoring one of the county’s most important recreational and economic corridors. Reopening the road is about more than access — it’s about supporting local tourism, protecting gateway communities, and reconnecting families to one of the most iconic areas of the Olympic Peninsula. Residents are encouraged to stop in, ask questions, and be part of the conversation about public safety, government accountability, economic priorities, and the future direction of Clallam County. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.ccwatchdog.com [https://www.ccwatchdog.com?utm_medium=podcast&utm_campaign=CTA_1]

28 de may de 202639 min