Harvard and Bard Face New Questions Over Jeffrey Epstein (6/19/26)

A Sitting President, an Alleged Forgery, and No Investigation (6/19/26)

If the birthday message attributed to Donald Trump was truly forged, the absence of a publicly announced investigation into who created it is difficult to explain. Fabricating evidence to connect a sitting president to Jeffrey Epstein would be an extraordinary act with potentially serious criminal, political, and national-security implications. Investigators could examine the album’s chain of custody, test the paper and ink, compare the signature with authenticated examples, and interview the people who assembled and preserved the birthday book. Instead, Trump and the White House have focused primarily on denouncing the document and suing The Wall Street Journal. That approach attacks the publisher without identifying the alleged forger or establishing how a fraudulent page supposedly entered a private album assembled in 2003. This does not prove that Trump wrote the message, but it creates a legitimate credibility problem for his denial. A defamation lawsuit can impose costs, create delays, intimidate further reporting, and keep the dispute framed around media conduct rather than the document’s authenticity. A real forgery investigation would be harder to control and could either vindicate Trump or produce evidence contradicting him. Given Trump’s documented social relationship with Epstein during the relevant period, the existence of a birthday contribution is not inherently implausible. Until the administration demands an independent forensic examination and explains who supposedly forged the message, the suspicion will remain that the lawsuit was intended less to uncover the truth than to slow the release of damaging information and create enough doubt to protect Trump politically. to contact me: bobbycapucci@protonmail.com

Harvard and Bard Face New Questions Over Jeffrey Epstein (6/19/26)

Harvard University and Bard College are facing renewed congressional scrutiny over whether their relationships with Jeffrey Epstein helped him rebuild his reputation and maintain access to elite academic circles after his criminal conduct was known. Representative Jamie Raskin, the ranking Democrat on the House Judiciary Committee, is demanding a fuller accounting from both schools, arguing that their previous internal investigations were incomplete or misleading. He is seeking records involving Epstein’s donations, research funding, faculty relationships, admissions activity and institutional decision-making. At Harvard, the inquiry focuses partly on donations made after the university said it had stopped accepting Epstein’s money, as well as his extensive contacts with former Harvard president Larry Summers and other academics. Epstein gave more than $9 million to Harvard and affiliated programs between 1998 and 2008. Bard is also being pressed to make outgoing president Leon Botstein available for a transcribed interview and to release the full findings of its investigation into his dealings with Epstein. Bard’s independent review found no illegal conduct by Botstein, but concluded that he was not fully candid about the relationship, failed to recognize the risks Epstein posed to the college and its students, and did not disclose consulting fees received from an Epstein-controlled entity. Raskin cited evidence suggesting Epstein used his higher-education connections not only to rehabilitate himself socially but potentially to maintain and expand his exploitation of women. Harvard and Bard were asked to provide the requested information by July 1, as lawmakers seek to determine how prestigious institutions continued granting Epstein credibility, access and influence. to contact me: bobbycapucci@protonmail.com source: Harvard and Bard face fresh questions from lawmakers over ties to Epstein | Jeffrey Epstein | The Guardian [https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2026/jun/17/harvard-bard-college-jeffrey-epstein]

Mega Edition: Jeffrey Epstein And His Decades Long Invite To The White House (6/19/26)

Jeffrey Epstein’s access to the White House began during Bill Clinton’s first administration, when he moved through Washington as a wealthy donor and well-connected financial operator rather than as the notorious sex offender he would later become. Records show that Epstein visited the Clinton White House repeatedly during the 1990s, attended a reception with Ghislaine Maxwell and cultivated relationships with officials, fundraisers and people operating around the administration. His association with Clinton continued after the presidency through overseas travel aboard Epstein’s aircraft and contacts linked to Clinton’s philanthropic work. The importance of those connections is not that every person who encountered Epstein participated in or knew about his crimes, but that Epstein successfully embedded himself within the political establishment and acquired the appearance of legitimacy that comes from proximity to a president. His access was never confined to one party, one administration or one ideological circle; it was built around money, influence and the willingness of powerful people to treat him as useful. That pattern ultimately extended from the Clinton era into the political world surrounding Donald Trump, who socialized with Epstein in Palm Beach and New York years before returning to the White House for a second term. Even after Epstein’s 2019 arrest and death, his shadow remained inside presidential politics, as successive Justice Departments, White House officials and members of Congress fought over what records should be released, how his associates should be investigated and whether the public had been told the complete truth. By 2025 and 2026, the Epstein controversy had become a source of turmoil within the Trump administration itself, with officials facing accusations of secrecy, political damage control and preferential treatment for Ghislaine Maxwell. In that sense, Epstein’s “friends at the White House” should be understood less as one continuous group than as a recurring class of political insiders who entered his orbit, benefited from his hospitality or treated his connections as valuable. The names and parties changed, but the institutional instinct remained remarkably consistent: minimize the relationship, restrict disclosure and hope that public attention eventually moves somewhere else. to contact me: bobbycapucci@protonmail.com

Mega Edition: The Palace Knew A lot More About Andrew's Dirty Laundry Than They Let On (6/19/26)

The royal household’s repeated posture of surprise became harder to sustain as evidence accumulated showing that Prince Andrew’s relationship with Jeffrey Epstein was neither fleeting nor hidden from the machinery surrounding him. Epstein and members of his circle were entertained in royal residences, Andrew traveled with people connected to Epstein while carrying out official duties, and palace staff helped manage the public-relations crisis once the relationship became impossible to ignore. Later disclosures indicated that Andrew remained in contact with Epstein after the point at which he claimed the friendship had ended, including a 2011 email telling Epstein that they were “in this together” and should remain in close contact. More recent reporting has also shown that a large archive of emails concerning Andrew’s activities was delivered to the lord chamberlain, the royal household’s most senior official, in 2020. Taken together, these revelations suggest that the palace had access to far more information about Andrew’s associations, movements and conduct than its carefully limited public statements acknowledged. Rather than confronting the implications early, the royal institution appeared to treat the scandal primarily as a reputational problem that could be contained through silence, distance and strategic delay. Andrew was allowed to continue performing public duties for years after Epstein’s conviction, while the allegations surrounding Virginia Giuffre were treated as a controversy that might eventually fade rather than a matter demanding a transparent internal accounting. Even the disastrous Newsnight interview was conceived by Andrew’s advisers as a way to “draw a line” under the issue, showing that the objective remained closure and image management rather than disclosure. Only when the interview intensified public outrage did the palace remove Andrew from official duties, and even then it released no comprehensive review of what royal officials knew, when they knew it or what records existed. The palace’s central failure was not merely that it underestimated the scandal; it was that it repeatedly chose institutional preservation over candor, apparently hoping that time, privilege and public fatigue would make the questions disappear. to contact me: bobbycapucci@protonmail.com

Mega Edition: The Justice Department's Disregard For The Epstein Survivors CVRA Rights (6/18/26)

The Justice Department disregarded the Crime Victims’ Rights Act by secretly negotiating Jeffrey Epstein’s 2007 non-prosecution agreement without consulting the girls and young women its own investigators had identified as victims. Federal prosecutors not only failed to tell them that Epstein was bargaining his way out of federal charges, but continued sending communications suggesting that the investigation remained active after the agreement had already been signed. The deal ended the federal investigation in South Florida, protected Epstein from federal prosecution there and extended immunity to several potential co-conspirators, all while those most directly affected were deliberately kept outside the process. A federal judge later concluded that prosecutors had violated the victims’ CVRA rights by concealing the agreement and misleading them about the status of the case. The injustice was never meaningfully rectified. Years of litigation produced no rescission of the non-prosecution agreement, no renewed South Florida prosecution under the original case and no effective legal remedy for the survivors whose rights had been denied. In 2021, the Eleventh Circuit ruled that the CVRA did not authorize victims to bring a standalone lawsuit before federal criminal charges had been filed, effectively leaving them without a judicial mechanism to enforce the rights the government had ignored. The Justice Department’s internal review criticized former U.S. Attorney Alexander Acosta’s judgment but found no professional misconduct, imposed no serious accountability and merely promised that the episode would inform future victim-rights practices. By the time Epstein was federally charged in New York in 2019, the original violation had already accomplished its purpose: he had received years of freedom, the South Florida deal remained intact and the survivors never received the remedy that the CVRA was supposed to guarantee. to contact me: bobbycapucci@protonmail.com