I Believe

The Art of the Deal

14 min · 23. juni 2026
episode The Art of the Deal cover

Description

The shouts pass over the water to Lincoln. He sits there, silent. The man who, more than any other, overstepped his authority in a time of war. Habeas corpus suspended. A nation half at arms. And the question underneath all of it, whether any nation so conceived and dedicated could long endure. He broke the limit. But he never pretended he was above it. He answered to the Congress, to the ballot, to the cost, and he paid that cost in the open for the only stake that could justify it. The Republic. Real power accepts its limits. Performed power breaks them, and breaks the one thing we can’t rebuild: Our power to say no. Humidity on the night air. The statues of Washington and Jefferson and Lincoln and Roosevelt look down on the South Lawn of the White House. There, a cage. A hulking structure of steel and chain link named The Claw. Seven fights tonight. Men punching and kicking and choking each other on the grass where children roll Easter eggs in the spring, steps from the Oval Office. A million-dollar restoration commitment waited for the grass. Ruined by morning. The president comes out of the Oval and down the colonnade beside the man who runs the fights. Dana White is smiling. Behind them, four thousand people. Cabinet secretaries. Generals. The Secretary of Defense. The Vice President. Mark Zuckerberg. Active duty troops in the seats. The Zac Brown Band sings the national anthem. The Blue Angels and Thunderbirds come over the house low and loud, and the president raises his hand and salutes. A chant starts somewhere in the dark. U-S-A. U-S-A. The broadcast goes out on Paramount. Closed captioning brought to you by TrumpCoins dot com. Limited quantities available now. It is the fourteenth of June. The Republic is two hundred and fifty years old this year. The president is eighty years old today. He wrote a book about power called The Art of the Deal. In that book, the deal is the close. The handshake, the signing, the moment in the room with the cameras running. The deal is the thing they watch you win. The spectacle. The theater. The entertainment. There is an older book about real power. The loudest move on the board is the weakest one, and a man who has to show you strength has already lost it. The statues keep looking down. They knew the difference between the two books. It is why we carved them in stone. Act I. Two Books He saw his name on everything. On the towers. On the steaks. On the water bottles and the ties. On the airplane that brought him in. Gold letters. His letters. Big enough to catch the light. A thing was not his until his name was on it. Then it was his. Then all men knew it. That was the book he had written. The Art of the Deal. A deal was a hand coming out. A flash. Men leaning in so they would be in the picture. Hold it. There. That was the one. They hung the picture on a wall. But a picture on a wall is quiet. A quiet thing dies. So there had to be another one. Another hand. Another flash. Another tower. Another name in gold. A man was only as strong as the last picture. The last picture was already fading. So the man was always late. Always running. Always losing the thing he had just won. It was a loud way to live. Loud and bright and over. And it had to be seen. A handshake in private never happened. A name in the dark was no name. He knew this as other men know weather. He had never done a thing that did not need a witness. The other book had no gold on it. It did not shine. It was old and plain and small enough to put in a coat pocket. Another book of Art. Of War. It did not ask to be looked at. He did not like that about it. He opened it and read a little. The words were old. They had crossed too much time to be in a hurry. They spoke of ground and water and waiting. They spoke of the fight won before the fighting. They spoke of not striking when the shape of things was already moving for you. He shut the book. Outside, the river moved below the house. He went down and stood on the bank. The water moved without hurry. It didn’t strike the bank. It took the low places. It went around stone. It slid under the willow roots and carried leaves and silt and small sticks and the cold of the mountains. It was going the way he needed it to go. He could have let it go. There was no one there to see that. There was no flash. No hand to shake. No wall to hang the picture. The river made no speech. It did not say his name. He watched it and felt nothing happen. That was the trouble. Nothing happening looked like losing. Long later than any man could live, the water would have the rock. It would not take it in one morning. There would be no sound of surrender. No one would know the hour. The rock would simply be smaller. Then smooth. Then the canyon would be there, and men would stand at the edge and call it beautiful. The river would not have signed it. He looked back at the house. The two books were still on the table. One had his name on it, the other did not. He knelt and put his hand in the water. It was colder than he thought. He closed his fist hard and stood. The water ran out between his fingers. Act II. The Siege There was a real river, and it was running his way. By the winter of that year, Iran was coming apart from the inside. The money was worthless. A man’s wages on Monday would not buy his bread on Friday. The women walked bareheaded into the street. They had cut their hair and burned the cloth the state put between them and the world. Girls had done it too, in schoolyards, with the cameras watching and the men with guns close enough to come for them. The people went into the streets in numbers the country had not seen since the revolution that made it, in every province, and the regime answered the only way it knew, and still they came back the next night, and the next. A government that must shoot its own people is a failing one. No one had to push it. It was going down on its own, and all we had to do was wait on the bank and watch. The night before the strikes, a man went on television and said the word peace. The talks had been running for weeks, led by Oman. A deal was within reach. On the table: Iran would never stockpile the material for a bomb. Inspectors would have the run of the place. The enriched uranium already in the country would be blended down and turned to fuel and made irreversible. It was not signed. It was a hand, extended. The thing his own book is built on. A hand coming out, across the table, in the room. We did not take it. He reached into the water and he closed his fist. It came the next night, all at once. The supreme leader, killed in his house. His family with him. While the smoke was still going up, a message went out to the Iranian people, telling them the hour of freedom was at hand, telling them to rise up and finish it. Regime change, announced from a podium, as a thing we had come to do. The regime that was falling on its own, for free, we now had to knock down ourselves, in front of everyone, so that everyone could see who knocked it down. And then the water did to him what he could not see coming. Iran had cards left to play, and one was made of water. The Strait of Hormuz, a narrow throat, a fifth of the world’s oil moving through it. They closed it. We ran a blockade. We sent the Navy to walk the ships through by force and called it Project Freedom, and the oil did not move, and the price of everything climbed, and week after week we spent another show of force to hold a thing that yielded nothing. The man who could not believe that power was water was being beaten, now, by water. By a current he could not strike and could not reopen and could not sign. So he went to the table after all. Versailles. Iran set the terms. They handed us the plan in April. The nuclear question, the only one we ever said mattered, unanswered. The toughest question set aside for later. We released billions of dollars for them. We agreed to help rebuild what we had spent the spring destroying. In exchange they opened the strait they had closed, the strait that was only ever closed because we refused to wait on the bank. We had a better deal in February. We tore it up to get a worse one in June. And the man went out and told the crowd it was a big day for world peace. He held up his fist, dripping, to show them how much of the river he had caught. Act III. Curtain It cost a great deal and bought almost nothing. Iran is far away. They were never coming for us. The strait will open and the oil will move and the price of gas will fall and you will forget the name of the war by autumn. You’ll not lose any sleep. Here is the thing to keep you up. There is a room where they decide whether the country goes to war. The men who built it had just finished a war against a king, and they put the power to start the next one in the hands of the many, not the one, because they had seen what the one does with it. The room was empty. No one came to it before the bombs fell. No one stood in it and made the case to the people, the way you are supposed to make the case before you spend their sons. The president did not come. And the men and women who keep the room, whose whole job is to keep the room, let him go around it, and said nothing, and watched the water drain from his fist. Later, when it was safe, they voted. The war was already lost. The thing was already done. They didn’t vote on whether to do it. That vote would have had their names on it. They voted on whether to make him stop, a vote they had counted beforehand and knew would lose, and they cast it into the air where it could not land on anyone, and they went home and told their districts they had tried. So now the room stays empty. The next man knows the way around it. He watched. Once we asked a man to be king. He had won the war. The crowd was his. He could have kept it. He gave it back, and went home to his farm, and that is the only reason there is a country here to write about. He made himself small under the thing he served. The man on the lawn put his name in gold on the buildings and the steaks and the water and the planes. He looked for a thing big enough to stand under, and could not find one. Not even the Republic. The next one is watching. Taking notes. The grass is already ruined. Sources UFC Freedom 250, staged on the South Lawn of the White House on June 14, 2026. The South Lawn venue, the seven-fight card, the White House setting, the Paramount+ broadcast, and the Lincoln Memorial fight-week material are documented by the UFC Freedom 250 event page [https://www.ufc.com/event/ufc-freedom-250], Paramount+’s UFC at the White House page [https://www.paramountplus.com/shows/ufc-white-house/], Fox News event footage [https://www.foxnews.com/video/6398448530112], and TIME’s photo essay from the event [https://time.com/article/2026/06/15/ufc-fight-white-house-freedom-250-photos/]. TIME’s earlier interview with Dana White documents the June 14 date, Flag Day and the president’s 80th birthday, the South Lawn staging, the 4,000-plus spectators, the Ellipse fan-fest plan, the Oval Office walkout concept, the canopy over the Octagon, and UFC’s responsibility for damaged grass. See Sean Gregory, “How Dana White Took the UFC From the Fringes to the White House,” TIME, May 26, 2026 [https://time.com/article/2026/05/26/dana-white-ufc-white-house-fight-interview/]. For the Blue Angels and Thunderbirds flyover during the national anthem, see AP’s photo gallery, “An octagon on the White House lawn for Trump’s 80th birthday,” June 14, 2026 [https://apnews.com/photo-gallery/trump-birthday-ufc-octagon-white-house-lawn-6e4b0ad3db6e8ccde792d9e6ddf21450]. For the reported $60 million event cost, “The Claw” nickname, closed-captioning sponsorship, invited crowd, military seats, and conflict-of-interest context, see Reuters, “White House’s UFC fights concentrate Trump’s sporting, political and economic power,” June 14, 2026 [https://www.reuters.com/business/media-telecom/trump-hosts-white-house-cage-fights-amid-war-political-scrutiny-2026-06-14/]. For lawn restoration, use the more cautious formulation “reported lawn-restoration costs” or “a restoration commitment” and cite Fox Business, “The science behind restoring the White House South Lawn after UFC Freedom 250” [https://www.foxbusiness.com/politics/science-behind-restoring-white-house-south-lawn-after-ufc-freedom-250], which reports a $1 million ScottsMiracle-Gro restoration commitment, rather than relying only on the $700,000 figure. The federal conflict-of-interest lawsuit over the event. The lawsuit seeking to block UFC Freedom 250 on the South Lawn, alleging permitting, environmental-review, and conflict-of-interest problems, is reported here: Fox News, “Federal lawsuit seeks to block UFC Freedom 250 from being held on the White House South Lawn,” June 7, 2026 [https://www.foxnews.com/sports/federal-lawsuit-seeks-block-ufc-freedom-250-held-white-house-south-lawn]. The captioning sponsorship should be sourced to Reuters, which reported that closed captioning for the Paramount+ stream was sponsored by Trump Coin. Reuters also links the event to Trump-family business interests and World Liberty Financial bonus money. See Reuters, “White House’s UFC fights concentrate Trump’s sporting, political and economic power,” June 14, 2026 [https://www.reuters.com/business/media-telecom/trump-hosts-white-house-cage-fights-amid-war-political-scrutiny-2026-06-14/]. The related Trump Coins product page is here: Trump Coins, “The Official Gold and Silver of UFC Freedom 250” [https://realtrumpcoins.com/collections/ufc-freedom-250]. Donald J. Trump with Tony Schwartz, The Art of the Deal. Power as the close, the deal as the event in the room, the win that must be witnessed to count. Publisher page: Penguin Random House, Trump: The Art of the Deal [https://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/books/163758/trump-the-art-of-the-deal-by-donald-j-trump-with-tony-schwartz/]. Sun Tzu, The Art of War. The treatment of force as the last instrument rather than the first, the supreme victory won before the fighting begins, and the image of the highest power as water, shapeless, patient, taking the low ground, wearing the stone without striking it. Composed in the fifth century BC and traditionally attributed to the military strategist Sun Tzu; the water passages appear chiefly in the chapters on “Weak Points and Strong” and “Tactical Dispositions.” Public-domain Lionel Giles translation, 1910: Project Gutenberg, The Art of War [https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/132]. Iran’s internal collapse, late 2025 into early 2026. Nationwide protests beginning December 28, 2025, the collapse of the rial, economic grievances, the lethal state crackdown, and the spread of unrest across the country are documented by HRANA, “The Crimson Winter: A 50 Day Record of Iran’s 2025–2026 Nationwide Protests,” February 23, 2026 [https://www.en-hrana.org/the-crimson-winter-a-50-day-record-of-irans-2025-2026-nationwide-protests/]; the UK Home Office, “Country bulletin Iran: protests of December 2025 to January 2026” [https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/iran-country-policy-and-information-notes/country-bulletin-iran-protests-of-december-2025-to-january-2026-accessible]; Amnesty International, “What happened at the protests in Iran?” January 26, 2026 [https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/campaigns/2026/01/what-happened-at-the-protests-in-iran/]; and Iran Human Rights, “At Least 3428 Protesters Killed in Iran; Serious Risk of Further Bloodshed,” January 14, 2026 [https://iranhr.net/en/articles/8529/]. Lead with HRANA-confirmed counts and institutional summaries. Do not state the “30,000 in 48 hours” figure as fact. The women-led resistance inside Iran. For the “Woman, Life, Freedom” uprising after Mahsa/Jina Amini’s death, the state’s continuing campaign against women and girls, and the wider moral meaning of compulsory veiling as a regime-control mechanism, see Amnesty International, “Iran: Two years after ‘Woman Life Freedom’ uprising, impunity for crimes reigns supreme,” September 2024 [https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2024/09/iran-two-years-after-woman-life-freedom-uprising-impunity-for-crimes-reigns-supreme/], and Reuters, “Mahsa Amini’s death in Iran custody was unlawful, says UN mission,” March 18, 2024 [https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/mahsa-aminis-death-iran-custody-was-unlawful-says-un-mission-2024-03-18/]. The Omani breakthrough, the night before the strikes. Omani Foreign Minister Badr bin Hamad Al Busaidi’s televised statement that a deal was within reach is available in the CBS transcript, “Full Transcript: Omani Foreign Minister Badr Albusaidi tells ‘Face the Nation’ a U.S.-Iran deal is ‘within our reach,’” February 27, 2026 [https://www.cbsnews.com/news/full-transcript-omani-foreign-minister-badr-albusaidi/], and the CBS video, “Oman’s foreign minister says U.S.-Iran nuclear ‘deal is within our reach’” [https://www.cbsnews.com/video/full-interview-omans-foreign-minister-badr-bin-hamad-al-busaidi/]. The transcript supports the claims that Iran would accept zero stockpiling, full IAEA verification, down-blending of existing stockpiles, conversion into fuel, and full access for inspectors. The accurate framing is that this was a proposed framework, not a signed agreement, and that it still left limited low-level enrichment on Iranian soil. The United States position before the strikes. For Trump’s public frustration with the talks and Steve Witkoff’s maximalist demands, see Kelsey Davenport, Arms Control Association, “Analysis: U.S. Negotiators Were Ill-Prepared for Serious Nuclear Talks With Iran,” April 2026 [https://www.armscontrol.org/act/2026-04/features/analysis-us-negotiators-were-ill-prepared-serious-nuclear-talks-iran], and ABC News, “Trump envoy Witkoff reveals more details of US negotiations with Iran prior to war,” March 26, 2026 [https://abcnews.com/Politics/trump-envoy-witkoff-reveals-details-us-negotiations-iran/story?id=131436482]. The February 28 strikes and the killing of the supreme leader. The joint U.S.-Israeli strikes, the killing of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and the uncertainty around early reports are documented by AP, “Iran’s supreme leader killed in major attack by US and Israel,” February 28, 2026 [https://apnews.com/article/iran-us-explosion-tehran-c2f11247d8a66e36929266f2c557a54c], and Reuters, “US-Israeli strikes kill Khamenei and Iranian retaliation shakes Gulf — as it happened,” March 1, 2026 [https://www.reuters.com/world/iran-crisis-live-explosions-tehran-israel-announces-strike-2026-02-28/]. Do not cite the “900 strikes in twelve hours” figure unless independently confirmed. Regime change as a stated objective. The president’s address to the Iranian people, including “the hour of your freedom is at hand,” is available from PBS NewsHour, “Read Trump’s full statement on Iran attack,” February 28, 2026 [https://www.pbs.org/newshour/world/read-trumps-full-statement-on-iran-attack]. For reporting that the address was understood as a call for Iranians to rise up or take over their government, see ABC News, “Trump says new call for regime change in Iran justified by ‘imminent’ threat,” February 28, 2026 [https://abcnews.com/Politics/trump-new-call-regime-change-iran-justified-imminent/story?id=130629024], and El País, “Trump urges Iranians to rise up: ‘Now is the time to seize control of your destiny,’” February 28, 2026 [https://english.elpais.com/usa/2026-02-28/trump-urges-iranians-to-rise-up-now-is-the-time-to-seize-control-of-your-destiny.html]. The Strait of Hormuz, the blockade, and Project Freedom. Iran’s closure of the strait, reduced shipping, the U.S. counter-blockade on ships entering or leaving Iranian ports, and Project Freedom are documented by CENTCOM, “U.S. Military Supports Launch of Project Freedom in Strait of Hormuz,” May 3, 2026 [https://www.centcom.mil/MEDIA/PRESS-RELEASES/Press-Release-View/Article/4476318/us-military-supports-launch-of-project-freedom-in-strait-of-hormuz/]; the House of Commons Library, “Israel/US-Iran conflict 2026: Reopening the Strait of Hormuz,” June 8, 2026 [https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/research-briefings/cbp-10636/]; and USNI News, “Report to Congress on the Iran Conflict and Strait of Hormuz,” March 13, 2026 [https://news.usni.org/2026/03/13/report-to-congress-on-the-iran-conflict-and-strait-of-hormuz]. For the statement that the blockade remained in effect pending the agreement, see USNI News, “Naval Blockade to Remain In Effect Until Official Agreement is Signed by Iran, U.S.,” June 15, 2026 [https://news.usni.org/2026/06/15/naval-blockade-to-remain-in-effect-until-official-agreement-is-signed-by-iran-u-s]. The agreement. The deal built off the mid-June framework to reopen the Strait of Hormuz, lift or ease sanctions, release frozen assets, and begin a 60-day process for nuclear negotiations. Use AP, “US and Iran sign initial deal to end war, ease sanctions and open strait as nuclear talks continue,” June 17, 2026 [https://apnews.com/article/iran-us-israel-war-oil-deal-june-17-2026-19652f4611b704c0a991bf1f5bc9a4b9]; AP, “Iran’s nuclear program still must be negotiated after initial deal,” June 17, 2026 [https://apnews.com/article/trump-iran-war-nuclear-talks-d8e5c8ada80c35446d4194201d9a7502]; Reuters, “White House sends text of interim US-Iran agreement to US Congress,” June 18, 2026 [https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/white-house-sends-text-interim-us-iran-agreement-us-congress-2026-06-18/]; and Financial Times, “What is in the US-Iran deal?” June 2026 [https://www.ft.com/content/3bc9f664-dcad-4c2e-b745-91bb4e0fa934]. The nuclear question was deferred to a later negotiation window, not resolved. The February framework offered clearer nuclear constraints before the war; the June agreement reopened the strait and deferred the hardest nuclear questions into a later window. The War Powers vote. The House passed H. Con. Res. 86 on June 3, 2026, by 215 to 208: Office of the Clerk, U.S. House of Representatives, Roll Call 199 [https://clerk.house.gov/Votes/2026199]. The Senate vote on May 19 was a procedural vote to discharge or advance a war-powers measure, not final passage: U.S. Senate, Roll Call Vote 129, 119th Congress, 2nd Session [https://www.senate.gov/legislative/LIS/roll_call_votes/vote1192/vote_119_2_00129.htm]. A later Senate effort failed 47 to 48 on June 16: AP, “Senate fails to advance war powers resolution on Iran war,” June 17, 2026 [https://apnews.com/article/war-powers-resolution-senate-iran-war-f50dcbe654c1e02292c0d3541f8e2ab2]. Abraham Lincoln’s suspension of habeas corpus during the Civil War. For Lincoln’s suspension of habeas corpus, the Merryman controversy, and congressional authorization through the Habeas Corpus Suspension Act of 1863, Library of Congress, “Abraham Lincoln and Civil Liberties in Wartime” [https://www.loc.gov/exhibits/treasures/trm013.html], the National Constitution Center, “Ex parte Merryman and debates over wartime civil liberties” [https://constitutioncenter.org/the-constitution/supreme-court-case-library/ex-parte-merryman], and Federal Judicial Center, Ex parte Merryman [https://www.fjc.gov/history/cases/ex-parte-merryman]. Lincoln overstepped; he did not pretend the limit did not exist. The Gettysburg Address. For “so conceived and dedicated,” and “government of the people, by the people, for the people,” Library of Congress, “Gettysburg address delivered at Gettysburg Pa. Nov. 19th, 1863” [https://www.loc.gov/resource/rbpe.24404500/?st=text]. George Washington’s refusal of further power and his handing it back. For Washington’s Farewell Address, Founders Online, National Archives, “Farewell Address, 19 September 1796” [https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/05-20-02-0440-0002]. For Washington’s resignation of his military commission, National Archives, “George Washington’s Resignation Speech, December 23, 1783” [https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/general-george-washingtons-resignation]. Get full access to I Believe at joelkdouglas.substack.com/subscribe [https://joelkdouglas.substack.com/subscribe?utm_medium=podcast&utm_campaign=CTA_4]

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episode The Art of the Deal artwork

The Art of the Deal

The shouts pass over the water to Lincoln. He sits there, silent. The man who, more than any other, overstepped his authority in a time of war. Habeas corpus suspended. A nation half at arms. And the question underneath all of it, whether any nation so conceived and dedicated could long endure. He broke the limit. But he never pretended he was above it. He answered to the Congress, to the ballot, to the cost, and he paid that cost in the open for the only stake that could justify it. The Republic. Real power accepts its limits. Performed power breaks them, and breaks the one thing we can’t rebuild: Our power to say no. Humidity on the night air. The statues of Washington and Jefferson and Lincoln and Roosevelt look down on the South Lawn of the White House. There, a cage. A hulking structure of steel and chain link named The Claw. Seven fights tonight. Men punching and kicking and choking each other on the grass where children roll Easter eggs in the spring, steps from the Oval Office. A million-dollar restoration commitment waited for the grass. Ruined by morning. The president comes out of the Oval and down the colonnade beside the man who runs the fights. Dana White is smiling. Behind them, four thousand people. Cabinet secretaries. Generals. The Secretary of Defense. The Vice President. Mark Zuckerberg. Active duty troops in the seats. The Zac Brown Band sings the national anthem. The Blue Angels and Thunderbirds come over the house low and loud, and the president raises his hand and salutes. A chant starts somewhere in the dark. U-S-A. U-S-A. The broadcast goes out on Paramount. Closed captioning brought to you by TrumpCoins dot com. Limited quantities available now. It is the fourteenth of June. The Republic is two hundred and fifty years old this year. The president is eighty years old today. He wrote a book about power called The Art of the Deal. In that book, the deal is the close. The handshake, the signing, the moment in the room with the cameras running. The deal is the thing they watch you win. The spectacle. The theater. The entertainment. There is an older book about real power. The loudest move on the board is the weakest one, and a man who has to show you strength has already lost it. The statues keep looking down. They knew the difference between the two books. It is why we carved them in stone. Act I. Two Books He saw his name on everything. On the towers. On the steaks. On the water bottles and the ties. On the airplane that brought him in. Gold letters. His letters. Big enough to catch the light. A thing was not his until his name was on it. Then it was his. Then all men knew it. That was the book he had written. The Art of the Deal. A deal was a hand coming out. A flash. Men leaning in so they would be in the picture. Hold it. There. That was the one. They hung the picture on a wall. But a picture on a wall is quiet. A quiet thing dies. So there had to be another one. Another hand. Another flash. Another tower. Another name in gold. A man was only as strong as the last picture. The last picture was already fading. So the man was always late. Always running. Always losing the thing he had just won. It was a loud way to live. Loud and bright and over. And it had to be seen. A handshake in private never happened. A name in the dark was no name. He knew this as other men know weather. He had never done a thing that did not need a witness. The other book had no gold on it. It did not shine. It was old and plain and small enough to put in a coat pocket. Another book of Art. Of War. It did not ask to be looked at. He did not like that about it. He opened it and read a little. The words were old. They had crossed too much time to be in a hurry. They spoke of ground and water and waiting. They spoke of the fight won before the fighting. They spoke of not striking when the shape of things was already moving for you. He shut the book. Outside, the river moved below the house. He went down and stood on the bank. The water moved without hurry. It didn’t strike the bank. It took the low places. It went around stone. It slid under the willow roots and carried leaves and silt and small sticks and the cold of the mountains. It was going the way he needed it to go. He could have let it go. There was no one there to see that. There was no flash. No hand to shake. No wall to hang the picture. The river made no speech. It did not say his name. He watched it and felt nothing happen. That was the trouble. Nothing happening looked like losing. Long later than any man could live, the water would have the rock. It would not take it in one morning. There would be no sound of surrender. No one would know the hour. The rock would simply be smaller. Then smooth. Then the canyon would be there, and men would stand at the edge and call it beautiful. The river would not have signed it. He looked back at the house. The two books were still on the table. One had his name on it, the other did not. He knelt and put his hand in the water. It was colder than he thought. He closed his fist hard and stood. The water ran out between his fingers. Act II. The Siege There was a real river, and it was running his way. By the winter of that year, Iran was coming apart from the inside. The money was worthless. A man’s wages on Monday would not buy his bread on Friday. The women walked bareheaded into the street. They had cut their hair and burned the cloth the state put between them and the world. Girls had done it too, in schoolyards, with the cameras watching and the men with guns close enough to come for them. The people went into the streets in numbers the country had not seen since the revolution that made it, in every province, and the regime answered the only way it knew, and still they came back the next night, and the next. A government that must shoot its own people is a failing one. No one had to push it. It was going down on its own, and all we had to do was wait on the bank and watch. The night before the strikes, a man went on television and said the word peace. The talks had been running for weeks, led by Oman. A deal was within reach. On the table: Iran would never stockpile the material for a bomb. Inspectors would have the run of the place. The enriched uranium already in the country would be blended down and turned to fuel and made irreversible. It was not signed. It was a hand, extended. The thing his own book is built on. A hand coming out, across the table, in the room. We did not take it. He reached into the water and he closed his fist. It came the next night, all at once. The supreme leader, killed in his house. His family with him. While the smoke was still going up, a message went out to the Iranian people, telling them the hour of freedom was at hand, telling them to rise up and finish it. Regime change, announced from a podium, as a thing we had come to do. The regime that was falling on its own, for free, we now had to knock down ourselves, in front of everyone, so that everyone could see who knocked it down. And then the water did to him what he could not see coming. Iran had cards left to play, and one was made of water. The Strait of Hormuz, a narrow throat, a fifth of the world’s oil moving through it. They closed it. We ran a blockade. We sent the Navy to walk the ships through by force and called it Project Freedom, and the oil did not move, and the price of everything climbed, and week after week we spent another show of force to hold a thing that yielded nothing. The man who could not believe that power was water was being beaten, now, by water. By a current he could not strike and could not reopen and could not sign. So he went to the table after all. Versailles. Iran set the terms. They handed us the plan in April. The nuclear question, the only one we ever said mattered, unanswered. The toughest question set aside for later. We released billions of dollars for them. We agreed to help rebuild what we had spent the spring destroying. In exchange they opened the strait they had closed, the strait that was only ever closed because we refused to wait on the bank. We had a better deal in February. We tore it up to get a worse one in June. And the man went out and told the crowd it was a big day for world peace. He held up his fist, dripping, to show them how much of the river he had caught. Act III. Curtain It cost a great deal and bought almost nothing. Iran is far away. They were never coming for us. The strait will open and the oil will move and the price of gas will fall and you will forget the name of the war by autumn. You’ll not lose any sleep. Here is the thing to keep you up. There is a room where they decide whether the country goes to war. The men who built it had just finished a war against a king, and they put the power to start the next one in the hands of the many, not the one, because they had seen what the one does with it. The room was empty. No one came to it before the bombs fell. No one stood in it and made the case to the people, the way you are supposed to make the case before you spend their sons. The president did not come. And the men and women who keep the room, whose whole job is to keep the room, let him go around it, and said nothing, and watched the water drain from his fist. Later, when it was safe, they voted. The war was already lost. The thing was already done. They didn’t vote on whether to do it. That vote would have had their names on it. They voted on whether to make him stop, a vote they had counted beforehand and knew would lose, and they cast it into the air where it could not land on anyone, and they went home and told their districts they had tried. So now the room stays empty. The next man knows the way around it. He watched. Once we asked a man to be king. He had won the war. The crowd was his. He could have kept it. He gave it back, and went home to his farm, and that is the only reason there is a country here to write about. He made himself small under the thing he served. The man on the lawn put his name in gold on the buildings and the steaks and the water and the planes. He looked for a thing big enough to stand under, and could not find one. Not even the Republic. The next one is watching. Taking notes. The grass is already ruined. Sources UFC Freedom 250, staged on the South Lawn of the White House on June 14, 2026. The South Lawn venue, the seven-fight card, the White House setting, the Paramount+ broadcast, and the Lincoln Memorial fight-week material are documented by the UFC Freedom 250 event page [https://www.ufc.com/event/ufc-freedom-250], Paramount+’s UFC at the White House page [https://www.paramountplus.com/shows/ufc-white-house/], Fox News event footage [https://www.foxnews.com/video/6398448530112], and TIME’s photo essay from the event [https://time.com/article/2026/06/15/ufc-fight-white-house-freedom-250-photos/]. TIME’s earlier interview with Dana White documents the June 14 date, Flag Day and the president’s 80th birthday, the South Lawn staging, the 4,000-plus spectators, the Ellipse fan-fest plan, the Oval Office walkout concept, the canopy over the Octagon, and UFC’s responsibility for damaged grass. See Sean Gregory, “How Dana White Took the UFC From the Fringes to the White House,” TIME, May 26, 2026 [https://time.com/article/2026/05/26/dana-white-ufc-white-house-fight-interview/]. For the Blue Angels and Thunderbirds flyover during the national anthem, see AP’s photo gallery, “An octagon on the White House lawn for Trump’s 80th birthday,” June 14, 2026 [https://apnews.com/photo-gallery/trump-birthday-ufc-octagon-white-house-lawn-6e4b0ad3db6e8ccde792d9e6ddf21450]. For the reported $60 million event cost, “The Claw” nickname, closed-captioning sponsorship, invited crowd, military seats, and conflict-of-interest context, see Reuters, “White House’s UFC fights concentrate Trump’s sporting, political and economic power,” June 14, 2026 [https://www.reuters.com/business/media-telecom/trump-hosts-white-house-cage-fights-amid-war-political-scrutiny-2026-06-14/]. For lawn restoration, use the more cautious formulation “reported lawn-restoration costs” or “a restoration commitment” and cite Fox Business, “The science behind restoring the White House South Lawn after UFC Freedom 250” [https://www.foxbusiness.com/politics/science-behind-restoring-white-house-south-lawn-after-ufc-freedom-250], which reports a $1 million ScottsMiracle-Gro restoration commitment, rather than relying only on the $700,000 figure. The federal conflict-of-interest lawsuit over the event. The lawsuit seeking to block UFC Freedom 250 on the South Lawn, alleging permitting, environmental-review, and conflict-of-interest problems, is reported here: Fox News, “Federal lawsuit seeks to block UFC Freedom 250 from being held on the White House South Lawn,” June 7, 2026 [https://www.foxnews.com/sports/federal-lawsuit-seeks-block-ufc-freedom-250-held-white-house-south-lawn]. The captioning sponsorship should be sourced to Reuters, which reported that closed captioning for the Paramount+ stream was sponsored by Trump Coin. Reuters also links the event to Trump-family business interests and World Liberty Financial bonus money. See Reuters, “White House’s UFC fights concentrate Trump’s sporting, political and economic power,” June 14, 2026 [https://www.reuters.com/business/media-telecom/trump-hosts-white-house-cage-fights-amid-war-political-scrutiny-2026-06-14/]. The related Trump Coins product page is here: Trump Coins, “The Official Gold and Silver of UFC Freedom 250” [https://realtrumpcoins.com/collections/ufc-freedom-250]. Donald J. Trump with Tony Schwartz, The Art of the Deal. Power as the close, the deal as the event in the room, the win that must be witnessed to count. Publisher page: Penguin Random House, Trump: The Art of the Deal [https://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/books/163758/trump-the-art-of-the-deal-by-donald-j-trump-with-tony-schwartz/]. Sun Tzu, The Art of War. The treatment of force as the last instrument rather than the first, the supreme victory won before the fighting begins, and the image of the highest power as water, shapeless, patient, taking the low ground, wearing the stone without striking it. Composed in the fifth century BC and traditionally attributed to the military strategist Sun Tzu; the water passages appear chiefly in the chapters on “Weak Points and Strong” and “Tactical Dispositions.” Public-domain Lionel Giles translation, 1910: Project Gutenberg, The Art of War [https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/132]. Iran’s internal collapse, late 2025 into early 2026. Nationwide protests beginning December 28, 2025, the collapse of the rial, economic grievances, the lethal state crackdown, and the spread of unrest across the country are documented by HRANA, “The Crimson Winter: A 50 Day Record of Iran’s 2025–2026 Nationwide Protests,” February 23, 2026 [https://www.en-hrana.org/the-crimson-winter-a-50-day-record-of-irans-2025-2026-nationwide-protests/]; the UK Home Office, “Country bulletin Iran: protests of December 2025 to January 2026” [https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/iran-country-policy-and-information-notes/country-bulletin-iran-protests-of-december-2025-to-january-2026-accessible]; Amnesty International, “What happened at the protests in Iran?” January 26, 2026 [https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/campaigns/2026/01/what-happened-at-the-protests-in-iran/]; and Iran Human Rights, “At Least 3428 Protesters Killed in Iran; Serious Risk of Further Bloodshed,” January 14, 2026 [https://iranhr.net/en/articles/8529/]. Lead with HRANA-confirmed counts and institutional summaries. Do not state the “30,000 in 48 hours” figure as fact. The women-led resistance inside Iran. For the “Woman, Life, Freedom” uprising after Mahsa/Jina Amini’s death, the state’s continuing campaign against women and girls, and the wider moral meaning of compulsory veiling as a regime-control mechanism, see Amnesty International, “Iran: Two years after ‘Woman Life Freedom’ uprising, impunity for crimes reigns supreme,” September 2024 [https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2024/09/iran-two-years-after-woman-life-freedom-uprising-impunity-for-crimes-reigns-supreme/], and Reuters, “Mahsa Amini’s death in Iran custody was unlawful, says UN mission,” March 18, 2024 [https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/mahsa-aminis-death-iran-custody-was-unlawful-says-un-mission-2024-03-18/]. The Omani breakthrough, the night before the strikes. Omani Foreign Minister Badr bin Hamad Al Busaidi’s televised statement that a deal was within reach is available in the CBS transcript, “Full Transcript: Omani Foreign Minister Badr Albusaidi tells ‘Face the Nation’ a U.S.-Iran deal is ‘within our reach,’” February 27, 2026 [https://www.cbsnews.com/news/full-transcript-omani-foreign-minister-badr-albusaidi/], and the CBS video, “Oman’s foreign minister says U.S.-Iran nuclear ‘deal is within our reach’” [https://www.cbsnews.com/video/full-interview-omans-foreign-minister-badr-bin-hamad-al-busaidi/]. The transcript supports the claims that Iran would accept zero stockpiling, full IAEA verification, down-blending of existing stockpiles, conversion into fuel, and full access for inspectors. The accurate framing is that this was a proposed framework, not a signed agreement, and that it still left limited low-level enrichment on Iranian soil. The United States position before the strikes. For Trump’s public frustration with the talks and Steve Witkoff’s maximalist demands, see Kelsey Davenport, Arms Control Association, “Analysis: U.S. Negotiators Were Ill-Prepared for Serious Nuclear Talks With Iran,” April 2026 [https://www.armscontrol.org/act/2026-04/features/analysis-us-negotiators-were-ill-prepared-serious-nuclear-talks-iran], and ABC News, “Trump envoy Witkoff reveals more details of US negotiations with Iran prior to war,” March 26, 2026 [https://abcnews.com/Politics/trump-envoy-witkoff-reveals-details-us-negotiations-iran/story?id=131436482]. The February 28 strikes and the killing of the supreme leader. The joint U.S.-Israeli strikes, the killing of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and the uncertainty around early reports are documented by AP, “Iran’s supreme leader killed in major attack by US and Israel,” February 28, 2026 [https://apnews.com/article/iran-us-explosion-tehran-c2f11247d8a66e36929266f2c557a54c], and Reuters, “US-Israeli strikes kill Khamenei and Iranian retaliation shakes Gulf — as it happened,” March 1, 2026 [https://www.reuters.com/world/iran-crisis-live-explosions-tehran-israel-announces-strike-2026-02-28/]. Do not cite the “900 strikes in twelve hours” figure unless independently confirmed. Regime change as a stated objective. The president’s address to the Iranian people, including “the hour of your freedom is at hand,” is available from PBS NewsHour, “Read Trump’s full statement on Iran attack,” February 28, 2026 [https://www.pbs.org/newshour/world/read-trumps-full-statement-on-iran-attack]. For reporting that the address was understood as a call for Iranians to rise up or take over their government, see ABC News, “Trump says new call for regime change in Iran justified by ‘imminent’ threat,” February 28, 2026 [https://abcnews.com/Politics/trump-new-call-regime-change-iran-justified-imminent/story?id=130629024], and El País, “Trump urges Iranians to rise up: ‘Now is the time to seize control of your destiny,’” February 28, 2026 [https://english.elpais.com/usa/2026-02-28/trump-urges-iranians-to-rise-up-now-is-the-time-to-seize-control-of-your-destiny.html]. The Strait of Hormuz, the blockade, and Project Freedom. Iran’s closure of the strait, reduced shipping, the U.S. counter-blockade on ships entering or leaving Iranian ports, and Project Freedom are documented by CENTCOM, “U.S. Military Supports Launch of Project Freedom in Strait of Hormuz,” May 3, 2026 [https://www.centcom.mil/MEDIA/PRESS-RELEASES/Press-Release-View/Article/4476318/us-military-supports-launch-of-project-freedom-in-strait-of-hormuz/]; the House of Commons Library, “Israel/US-Iran conflict 2026: Reopening the Strait of Hormuz,” June 8, 2026 [https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/research-briefings/cbp-10636/]; and USNI News, “Report to Congress on the Iran Conflict and Strait of Hormuz,” March 13, 2026 [https://news.usni.org/2026/03/13/report-to-congress-on-the-iran-conflict-and-strait-of-hormuz]. For the statement that the blockade remained in effect pending the agreement, see USNI News, “Naval Blockade to Remain In Effect Until Official Agreement is Signed by Iran, U.S.,” June 15, 2026 [https://news.usni.org/2026/06/15/naval-blockade-to-remain-in-effect-until-official-agreement-is-signed-by-iran-u-s]. The agreement. The deal built off the mid-June framework to reopen the Strait of Hormuz, lift or ease sanctions, release frozen assets, and begin a 60-day process for nuclear negotiations. Use AP, “US and Iran sign initial deal to end war, ease sanctions and open strait as nuclear talks continue,” June 17, 2026 [https://apnews.com/article/iran-us-israel-war-oil-deal-june-17-2026-19652f4611b704c0a991bf1f5bc9a4b9]; AP, “Iran’s nuclear program still must be negotiated after initial deal,” June 17, 2026 [https://apnews.com/article/trump-iran-war-nuclear-talks-d8e5c8ada80c35446d4194201d9a7502]; Reuters, “White House sends text of interim US-Iran agreement to US Congress,” June 18, 2026 [https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/white-house-sends-text-interim-us-iran-agreement-us-congress-2026-06-18/]; and Financial Times, “What is in the US-Iran deal?” June 2026 [https://www.ft.com/content/3bc9f664-dcad-4c2e-b745-91bb4e0fa934]. The nuclear question was deferred to a later negotiation window, not resolved. The February framework offered clearer nuclear constraints before the war; the June agreement reopened the strait and deferred the hardest nuclear questions into a later window. The War Powers vote. The House passed H. Con. Res. 86 on June 3, 2026, by 215 to 208: Office of the Clerk, U.S. House of Representatives, Roll Call 199 [https://clerk.house.gov/Votes/2026199]. The Senate vote on May 19 was a procedural vote to discharge or advance a war-powers measure, not final passage: U.S. Senate, Roll Call Vote 129, 119th Congress, 2nd Session [https://www.senate.gov/legislative/LIS/roll_call_votes/vote1192/vote_119_2_00129.htm]. A later Senate effort failed 47 to 48 on June 16: AP, “Senate fails to advance war powers resolution on Iran war,” June 17, 2026 [https://apnews.com/article/war-powers-resolution-senate-iran-war-f50dcbe654c1e02292c0d3541f8e2ab2]. Abraham Lincoln’s suspension of habeas corpus during the Civil War. For Lincoln’s suspension of habeas corpus, the Merryman controversy, and congressional authorization through the Habeas Corpus Suspension Act of 1863, Library of Congress, “Abraham Lincoln and Civil Liberties in Wartime” [https://www.loc.gov/exhibits/treasures/trm013.html], the National Constitution Center, “Ex parte Merryman and debates over wartime civil liberties” [https://constitutioncenter.org/the-constitution/supreme-court-case-library/ex-parte-merryman], and Federal Judicial Center, Ex parte Merryman [https://www.fjc.gov/history/cases/ex-parte-merryman]. Lincoln overstepped; he did not pretend the limit did not exist. The Gettysburg Address. For “so conceived and dedicated,” and “government of the people, by the people, for the people,” Library of Congress, “Gettysburg address delivered at Gettysburg Pa. Nov. 19th, 1863” [https://www.loc.gov/resource/rbpe.24404500/?st=text]. George Washington’s refusal of further power and his handing it back. For Washington’s Farewell Address, Founders Online, National Archives, “Farewell Address, 19 September 1796” [https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/05-20-02-0440-0002]. For Washington’s resignation of his military commission, National Archives, “George Washington’s Resignation Speech, December 23, 1783” [https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/general-george-washingtons-resignation]. Get full access to I Believe at joelkdouglas.substack.com/subscribe [https://joelkdouglas.substack.com/subscribe?utm_medium=podcast&utm_campaign=CTA_4]

23. juni 202614 min
episode Man Eaters artwork

Man Eaters

The mess. Mid rats. He came in a couple minutes early. He ate fast, at a table that became a hospital bed for the wounded, and then he cleared his tray and dishes and moved into the narrow passage with the pipes running low overhead, ducking his head around them. Up the metal stairs to starboard. A couple of minutes with the sea before the watch. The deck was nearly empty. In a few minutes the others would join him, shadowed faces moving through the dark. He stood at the rail to watch the sea under the dark sky. Clouds. Stars. The wake ran out like a long trail behind the ship, two glittering edges. In the morning he would commune with the sea again, and the wake would have a bright spine where the sun shone along it, further and further until the sea stopped being water and became sky. Forward of him a younger sailor stood the rail, eyes on the water, a phone cord running from his chest into the dark. The boy would relieve him. Then the watch. Below him the ship hummed, scopes and gauges and green light on men’s faces. Up here there was only his eyes and the water. He watched for the thing that would come out of the trail in the dark that the machines could not catch, and when he saw it he would call it down the wire to a man he could not see. He knew the man would answer. Nothing came for hour after hour. You stood there for a thousand nights so that you would be there on the one night it did. No thanks for the thousand. No one would know about the one. The wind crossed the swell and laid whitecaps on water. He smelled salt in the air. Act One. Brasada The brush did not care that he had left, or that he had come home. It just was, gray and low and thick, mesquite and blackbrush and cenizo that flowered purple after the rain but was not purple now. The ground under it, white dust that stayed on his boots. Nothing in the country was soft. The catclaw reached out and took his sleeve. He stopped and worked the thorn loose and then went on. By midmorning the heat had settled in. A caracara sat the fence post and watched him. To the south the river and past the river more of the same. He had stood the watch a long way from here. He had thought about this ground and what it would mean to come back. Now he was on it, hot and full of hooks, and he was glad to be here. His father was at the pens. He never asked the boy to help him do a job he could do himself, which was nearly everything. He did not ask how long the boy was home. He did not look up from the gate he was wiring shut. A plane flew overhead, low. “Cow’s calf is off in the tasajillo,” the old man said. “She’s bawling for it.” They found it in thick brush, in the only shade for a quarter mile, lying down. It was small and it did not get up. The son went down on one knee in the white dust and saw the navel and the wound. Wet and dark and moving. He knew. The wound was full of them, packed in tight and working deeper, head down, feeding, and the smell came up off it sweet and wrong and turned his stomach. He did not pull back. He looked at the small animal and the small mouths in it. He held the phone over the navel of the calf and took the picture and did not look at it. “Screwworm,” the old man said. Then he said, “We’ll doctor it,” and went for the truck. He cleaned it and picked them out and dressed it. The rider came up the road in the heat of the afternoon while they were still at it. Horses could go where you could not take a truck, and the rider wore leather to the knee against the thorns. He came this way every week, working the river and the ranches along it, looking at what crossed and what strayed. The watch. He looked down at the calf and at the navel they had cleaned, and his face changed, and he asked to see the picture, and the son gave him the phone. The rider looked at it a long moment. Then he made his calls, quiet, off to the side. He had hoped he would not have to. “Got word last week to watch the river hard,” he said. “Somebody south of here saw something.” He took some larvae from the dust. After that it moved fast. The sample went somewhere far north the old man had never seen. And then more planes. They came over low in the early morning, day after day, working a pattern above the brush, and the son stood out in the white dust and watched. He knew what they were carrying. Flies. Sterile. They would drop them out over the country by the millions so that the ones already here would breed to nothing and burn out. The cure and the sickness were the same bug, one barren and dropped from the sky onto the other. The son went back to the calf. It lived. First they fed it with bottles and then it got up on the fourth day and went to the cow. The wound dried and began to close. By the end of the week it ran from him along the fence and the old man watched it and was satisfied. “All that,” the old man said that evening on the porch. “Government flying airplanes around. Dropping bugs out of an airplane. Over one calf.” He drank his coffee. “And the calf’s fine. Hell, I doctored a hundred calves in my life and never needed the government to help me do it.” “You never saw one before,” the son said. “Never had to.” He finished the pot into his cup. “Man depends on a thing he can’t see and can’t fix, he’s not a free man anymore. He’s just waiting on somebody else to keep doing him a favor.” He drank. “I never wanted to be that man.” “You’re not wrong,” the son said. “The day they quit, we’re in trouble.” He watched the calf along the fence. “But the day they quit isn’t this day. This day the calf’s alive because a man in Panama didn’t quit. And a pilot you’ll never meet didn’t. The most you and I could do tonight was clean a wound. The rest of it we can’t do.” The old man thought about that and judged it foolish. “Hell of a thing,” he said. “Spend a man’s taxes on something that don’t happen.” He finished his coffee and went in to bed. The son stayed out on the porch. He had stood a great many watches full of things that did not happen. He knew what they cost and who paid for them. The cost wasn’t money. It was that a man who never stood the watch got to believe, his whole life, that there had never been anything out there in the dark at all. Act One and a Quarter. The Line Moscow. February. The cold came through the wall behind him. Someone in Washington had cabled a small question. Why do the men across the way behave as they do? He sat down to answer it. He filled one page and started another. The thing across the way did not hate them over this quarrel or that. Not the kind of quarrel men settle and forget. It hunted an enemy because it needed one. Take the enemy away and it would find another, because without an enemy it could not explain itself to its own people. He saw. Wrote it down. The answer ran too long for the wire. He broke it into five parts and sent them through one after another. The clerk worked the key deep into the night. Moscow to Washington. Piece by piece. He did not know if anyone would read it the way he meant it. He sent it anyway and went to bed. He said we could not beat the thing head-on. The trying would break us. He said we should stand at every place it tried to widen. Hold there. Wait. Let it spend itself against its own nature. The thing carried the seed of its own ruin and would rot from the inside if we only denied it room. Men on the far side had to hold too. They needed roads and radios and law. They needed officers who would answer when called, and clerks who would send the message, and pilots who would fly the route. They needed men who could see the thing when it came. We could not be their backbone forever, but we could bring tools and money and time, and we could leave them able to hold their own ground. He could not prove it and that was the trouble. Hold and wait looked like weakness to good men, and good men told him so. He could read the enemy one way and they could read it another, and no one could open the thing up and see who was right. He held it on faith and argued it the rest of his life and never got to be sure. Far south, another man chased an insect, and the insect gave him the proof the other man never got. He could not poison the screwworm off the land. It bred faster than he could kill it. It bore him no malice. It was hungry, and it would never stop being hungry. So he stopped trying to kill the ones in front of him. He took hold of one thread, even though other men laughed at it. The female mates only once in her life. He reared the flies by the thousand. Fed them gamma rays until they could not breed. Turned them loose to find the wild ones. The wild female spent her one mating on a barren male. Her young never came. The next brood came fewer. The one after that thinner still. The thing emptied itself out of a country without a shot, not from a blow of force, but from its own breeding turned against it. He tried it first on a small island two miles off Florida. He dropped the barren flies by the thousand and watched the count fall. Then the count quit falling. The island sat two miles out, and the mated females flew back across the water faster than the barren males could empty them. So close. It didn’t take. The line had a far side he did not hold, and the fly walked back across it from the country next door. So he looked for ground with no country next door. He found it forty miles out in the warm sea. He flew the same barren flies down from Orlando, packed in paper bags, and ran the same lines a mile wide over the brush, week after week. This time the count fell and kept falling. Four generations of it. Then one morning he read the trap and nothing answered. He read it again before he believed it. Here was the proof the other man died wanting. Hold the line, deny the thing room, and it ruins itself from the inside. Neither man knew the other. Neither knew their idea was the same, or that it would come back seventy years later, a thousand miles north, over a calf neither would live to see. Act Two. The River Morning. He liked to be early so he didn’t have to rush. He could drive the truck, but he wouldn’t find the cattle in the brush unless he was in the brush. He could drive the truck and park and walk, but that ended up with him as far from the truck as the barn. So he saddled the horse in the dark, a bay. He rode to the edge of the cenizo and waited for the light. No sense in pushing into somewhere he couldn’t see. Then the sun and the brush and the heat with it. He knew the cattle would be near enough to the water and rode out to look. He worked through the cows and their calves one at a time, lifting tails, checking navels and ears and the soft places where a wound starts. Even a tick bite would be large enough for the man eater to lay her eggs. Last week he had spent twenty minutes chasing a calf through the brush to inspect a scratch no bigger than his thumbnail. He felt foolish afterward. He was glad to find nothing but he did not trust it. He knew the thing came when you were not looking and knew that tomorrow he would look again. The land ran south to the river, low and brown. Past it more brush went on into the other country where the thing had come up from. It lived down there and it was not going to stop. You could not kill it because the man eater is hungry like anything else. What you did was hold it below a line and keep holding it, and the watch had no end. The plane came over while he sat the horse. It came low and worked its pattern. He watched it and knew what was falling out of it. The flies, barren, by the millions, drifting down onto the brush to find the wild ones and leave no young. Some of these sterile flies came up from Panama, where the line had been held in the jungle longer than he had been alive. Some from Mexico, just across the brown water. He sat there and thought that the flies over his father’s ground had crossed two borders to get there, made by men in other countries he would never meet, for a war his father did not believe was being fought. He thought that he had left the watch when he left the sea. He had only traded the water for the brush. Act Three. Altitude Engines hum. Boxes strapped down, cold coming off them to keep the flies dormant. They’re the same boxes they drop north of here, but the crew doesn’t think of that. They have flown the pattern for a while now. It’s a good job and the hours are steady. They fly it easy, talking about other things. None of them has ever seen the thing they fly to stop. The crew chief and his wife are expecting. The shower is today, back home. She is hoping for a girl. He is hoping for a healthy mother and a healthy baby and tells her he doesn’t need more than that. He means it. Below them the jungle is green and goes on green as far as the eye can see. The sun is up and full and lights up the river that runs through the trees, a bright spine on the water, the light running further and further until the green stops being land and becomes sky. It is a good morning. Clear all the way. The chute feeds. The flies go out cold into the warm air and wake as they fall, scattering, drifting down over the canopy, barren. These flies will have no offspring. The crew chief watches the load go out and thinks about the drive home and whether the icing will melt. The flies fall into the light over the jungle. No one below will ever know they came. Sources A literary nonfiction essay. Factual claims link below to a primary or reputable secondary source, current as of June 10, 2026. The pest. The New World screwworm is Cochliomyia hominivorax, the species name translates as “man eater.” Its larvae burrow into the living flesh of warm-blooded animals through wounds and body openings, including the navel of newborns, and untreated infestations are often fatal. * New World Screwworm — USDA APHIS [https://www.aphis.usda.gov/livestock-poultry-disease/cattle/ticks/screwworm] * New World Screwworm Myiasis — CDC DPDx [https://www.cdc.gov/dpdx/newworldscrewwormmyiasis/index.html] * Eradicating New World Screwworm with Sterile Insect Technique (fact sheet, PDF) — USDA APHIS [https://www.aphis.usda.gov/sites/default/files/factsheet-eradicating-nws-sit.pdf] The female mates only once in her life. This single biological fact is what makes the sterile insect technique work. * Deconstructing the eradication of New World screwworm in North America — [https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC6849717/]Medical and Veterinary Entomology [https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC6849717/] (PMC) [https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC6849717/] Deterrence structure of the essay (the thousand nights for the one night, the watch that no one thanks) is sourced to the author’s personal background. The factual counterpart is the prevention paradox of the screwworm barrier: a permanent, forward-deployed effort whose success looks like nothing happening. The Panama-based biological barrier held the line at the Darién Gap for decades. * The New World Screwworm in the United States: A Narrative Review — [https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC12591281/]Pathogens [https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC12591281/] (PMC) [https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC12591281/] — documents eradication by the 1960s and containment thereafter “by a Panama-based biological barrier.” The calf. The fictional calf newborn, a navel wound packed with larvae, found in South Texas brush, is the real index case. On June 3, 2026, USDA APHIS confirmed New World screwworm in a three-week-old calf with larvae in its umbilical area in Zavala County, Texas (La Pryor), roughly fifty miles from the Mexico border. A rancher noticed distress and called a veterinarian. It was the first confirmed detection in U.S. livestock in nearly sixty years. * USDA Confirms New World Screwworm in Texas (June 3, 2026) — USDA APHIS [https://www.aphis.usda.gov/news/agency-announcements/usda-confirms-presence-new-world-screwworm-united-states] * New World Screwworm Confirmed in Zavala County Calf (June 3, 2026) — Texas Parks & Wildlife Department [https://tpwd.texas.gov/newsmedia/releases/?req=20260603c] * First U.S. Cases of New World Screwworm Detected — American Farm Bureau Federation, Market Intel [https://www.fb.org/market-intel/first-u-s-cases-of-new-world-screwworm-detected] * First U.S. screwworm case confirmed in South Texas — [https://www.texastribune.org/2026/06/03/new-world-screwworm-texas-reported-case/]The Texas Tribune [https://www.texastribune.org/2026/06/03/new-world-screwworm-texas-reported-case/] The sample going “somewhere far north.” Confirmation is done at the USDA National Veterinary Services Laboratories (NVSL) in Ames, Iowa. * Texas Animal Health Commission — New World Screwworms [https://www.tahc.texas.gov/emergency/nws.html] The rider, the surveillance line, “somebody south of here saw something.” The forward-monitoring network: nearly 8,000 traps are jointly monitored along the border, with surveillance coordinated across the U.S., Mexico, and Central America. The pest reemerged in Chiapas, Mexico in November 2024 and moved progressively north, which is the “word from the south” the rider carries. * New World screwworm confirmed in United States — [https://www.dvm360.com/view/new-world-screwworm-confirmed-in-united-states-usda-announces]dvm360 [https://www.dvm360.com/view/new-world-screwworm-confirmed-in-united-states-usda-announces] * New World Screwworm: Rise, Fall and Resurgence — American Society for Microbiology [https://asm.org/articles/2025/september/new-word-screwworm-rise-fall-resurgence] The planes and the sterile flies. Eradication works by releasing sterile male flies that mate with wild females; because the female mates only once, she then lays unfertilized eggs and the population dies out. “The cure and the sickness were the same bug” is literal. Sterile flies were already being released aerially in the affected area at roughly four million per week before the detection. * New World Screwworm — USDA APHIS [https://www.aphis.usda.gov/livestock-poultry-disease/cattle/ticks/screwworm] * New World screwworm confirmed in United States — [https://www.dvm360.com/view/new-world-screwworm-confirmed-in-united-states-usda-announces]dvm360 [https://www.dvm360.com/view/new-world-screwworm-confirmed-in-united-states-usda-announces] “Some came up from Panama... some from Mexico.” The only sterile-fly production facility in operation in North America is jointly managed and funded by USDA and Panama’s Ministry of Agriculture Development (MIDA) through COPEG, the Commission for the Eradication and Prevention of Screwworm. Dispersal facilities operate in Mexico and South Texas. * New World Screwworm — USDA APHIS [https://www.aphis.usda.gov/livestock-poultry-disease/cattle/ticks/screwworm] — USDA–Panama (MIDA) joint facility through COPEG. * New World screwworm confirmed in United States — [https://www.dvm360.com/view/new-world-screwworm-confirmed-in-united-states-usda-announces]dvm360 [https://www.dvm360.com/view/new-world-screwworm-confirmed-in-united-states-usda-announces] — dispersal facilities in Mexico and South Texas. “Held below a line... the watch had no end.” The containment-not-elimination posture is the actual strategy: the parasite remains endemic in South America and the Caribbean, so the barrier must be held indefinitely. This is the structural fact under the essay’s deterrence argument. There is no morning the work is declared done. * The New World Screwworm in the United States: A Narrative Review — [https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC12591281/]Pathogens [https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC12591281/] (PMC) [https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC12591281/] Edward F. Knipling, the sterile insect technique The single insight under the whole screwworm strand — that the female mates only once, so breeding sterile males into her range collapses the next generation — was conceived in the late 1930s by USDA entomologist Edward F. Knipling, working with Raymond C. Bushland at the USDA laboratory in Menard, Texas. Knipling grew up raising cattle with his father in Port Lavaca, Texas, where he saw firsthand what the screwworm did to the herds — the rancher’s son who left the brush, understood the enemy, and came back at it with something larger than one man’s hands. He and Bushland shared the 1992 World Food Prize for the technique. * Edward F. Knipling — National Academy of Sciences Biographical Memoir (PDF) [https://www.nasonline.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/knipling-e-f.pdf] * Edward Fred Knipling Papers — USDA National Agricultural Library, Special Collections [https://www.nal.usda.gov/exhibits/speccoll/exhibits/show/manuscript-collections/edward-fred-knipling-papers] * The Life and Vision of Edward F. Knipling — USDA Agricultural Research Service [https://ars.usda.gov/docs/the-life-and-vision-of-edward-f-knipling-concerning-the-eradication-of-the-screwworm] * Knipling, E.F. (1955). “Possibilities of insect control or eradication through the use of sexually sterile males.” Journal of Economic Entomology 48: 902–904. * 1992 World Food Prize: Knipling and Bushland [https://www.worldfoodprize.org/en/laureates/19871999_laureates/1992_knipling_and_bushland/] The production scale and the new facility. USDA broke ground in April 2026 on a sterile-fly production facility at Moore Air Base near Edinburg, Texas, expected to produce roughly 300 million sterile flies per week once operational in 2027. A separate sterile-fly dispersal facility in Texas was announced at a cost of about $8.5 million. These figures ground the scale of the airborne effort the crew is flying. * New World screwworm confirmed in United States — [https://www.dvm360.com/view/new-world-screwworm-confirmed-in-united-states-usda-announces]dvm360 [https://www.dvm360.com/view/new-world-screwworm-confirmed-in-united-states-usda-announces] — Moore Air Base groundbreaking, ~300 million flies/week, 2027. * As USDA prepares to fight New World screwworm — University of Florida IFAS [https://blogs.ifas.ufl.edu/news/2025/07/09/as-usda-prepares-to-fight-new-world-screwworm-uf-experts-available-to-inform-about-eradication/] — $8.5M dispersal facility; 300 million flies/week. The cold-keeping of the flies. Sterile flies are chilled to keep them dormant in transit and released to wake as they warm. * Eradicating New World Screwworm with Sterile Insect Technique (PDF) — USDA APHIS [https://www.aphis.usda.gov/sites/default/files/factsheet-eradicating-nws-sit.pdf] Historical anchor The United States eradicated screwworm domestically by 1966 using the sterile insect technique, and eliminated a small Florida Keys outbreak in 2016–2017. The first field trial was on the island of Curaçao in 1954, where the fly was eradicated within four months. Since 2023, the pest has moved north again through Central America and Mexico, the reemergence that frames the present moment. * New World Screwworm — USDA APHIS [https://www.aphis.usda.gov/livestock-poultry-disease/cattle/ticks/screwworm] * New World Screwworm: Rise, Fall and Resurgence — American Society for Microbiology [https://asm.org/articles/2025/september/new-word-screwworm-rise-fall-resurgence] * New World Screwworm Information — Oklahoma State University Extension [https://extension.okstate.edu/programs/livestock-entomology/new-world-screwworm-info] The Philosophy The spine is Cold War containment debate: Kennan’s forward partnership against Nitze’s capability, with Niebuhr standing watch. George F. Kennan — the Long Telegram (February 22, 1946) The 5,000-word cable from Moscow that became the founding document of containment. Kennan’s true argument is not the cartoon of walls and patience but forward engagement: choosing points of resistance deliberately, building the strength and confidence of partners so the contest is held at the source rather than at home. * The Long Telegram — Teaching American History (full text) [https://teachingamericanhistory.org/document/the-long-telegram/] George F. Kennan — “The Sources of Soviet Conduct” (the X Article, Foreign Affairs, July 1947) The public expansion of the Long Telegram, published under the pseudonym “X.” This is where containment became doctrine, and where Kennan’s emphasis on the adroit, vigilant application of counter-force at constantly shifting points, not brute militarization, is most clear. Kennan spent the rest of his life objecting that the doctrine had been read as a call to arms rather than a call to forward, patient partnership. * George F. Kennan, “The Sources of Soviet Conduct,” [https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/russian-federation/1947-07-01/sources-soviet-conduct]Foreign Affairs [https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/russian-federation/1947-07-01/sources-soviet-conduct] (July 1947) [https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/russian-federation/1947-07-01/sources-soviet-conduct] Paul H. Nitze — NSC-68 (April 1950) “United States Objectives and Programs for National Security.” Drafted under Nitze, who had replaced Kennan as head of the State Department’s Policy Planning Staff, NSC-68 is the capability argument in full: marshal overwhelming political, economic, and military strength rather than rely on restraint or the goodwill of others. The father’s porch speech, that a free man keeps his own ground with his own hands and does not wait on a favor, is NSC-68 compressed into one stubborn man. The Kennan-to-Nitze succession at Policy Planning is the seam the essay dramatizes. * NSC-68, 1950 — U.S. Department of State, Office of the Historian (Milestones) [https://history.state.gov/milestones/1945-1952/NSC68] * Foreign Relations of the United States, 1950, Vol. I, Document 85 (full NSC-68 text) — Office of the Historian [https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1950v01/d85] * NSC-68 — Harry S. Truman Library & Museum [https://www.trumanlibrary.gov/library/research-files/report-national-security-council-nsc-68] Reinhold Niebuhr, the watchman’s conscience Niebuhr is the moral frame, not a single document: the insistence that a nation acts within history without ever seeing the full account, that virtue and self-interest are tangled, and that the honest posture is faith held before the verdict. His The Irony of American History (1952) is the closest single text, the argument that American power must act without the comfort of knowing it is innocent or that it will be vindicated. * Reinhold Niebuhr, [https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/I/bo5775500.html]The Irony of American History [https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/I/bo5775500.html] (1952) — University of Chicago Press [https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/I/bo5775500.html] The unspoken ending is Habakkuk 3:17–19 — rejoicing though the fig tree does not blossom and the fields yield no food. The watchman’s faith before the outcome, which is the son on the porch and the crew over the jungle, neither told the wall holds. * Habakkuk 3:17–19 — Bible Gateway (KJV) [https://www.biblegateway.com/passage/?search=Habakkuk+3%3A17-19&version=KJV] Sources verified June 10, 2026. 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16. juni 202618 min
episode Latrines artwork

Latrines

Behold again the stars. The light. The stairs down. Down. There are no windows in the basement of the residence hall. The light comes from tubes that hum in the ceiling. It does not change, the same at five in the morning as at noon. He could work an entire spring semester down here and never once know what the sky was doing. He lets himself in with the key on the loop at his belt. The door shuts behind him. The hum of the fixtures, the only sound in the part of the building that is awake. He fills the bucket at the mop sink. Warm water. It will be gray inside the hour. He wheels the cart down the tiled row to the elevator. The squeaky casters have needed oil since before he started this job and he has stopped hearing them. He begins on the third floor at the far end, where the rooms are worst, because the morning can only get better after those. He works the stalls first. He doesn’t think much about what the weekend has left him. It’s the same every Monday. He mops. Wrings the mop. Sets the yellow sign across the door though no one will come for an hour. He does the work the way it needs done because there is no reason to do it the other way. A bathroom is clean or it is not. A great and shining institution cannot have filthy bathrooms, and so the bathrooms are clean. Who would clean them? And so he does. It’s not the hardened waste or urine on the floor or vomit or hair or broken glass or cups or mud or the smell that beats him. It’s the wall under the hand dryers. The hot air throws water off wet hands and the water carries what is on them, and over the years it streaks down into the paint, a yellow bloom low on the wall in the shape of everyone who ever made the mark and walked out. He scrubs. He has scrubbed since September. He found the cabinet with the stronger chemical and used the stronger chemical. The bloom lifts a shade. It’s the color of piss, but it’s been scrubbed clean. The supervisor is an older man who has been in the building longer than some of the faculty. He stops on his round and looks at the wall and tells him kindly to give it another go. The supervisor believes the wall comes clean. It is his building and his name on the schedule, and he cannot allow himself to believe it will never come clean. Even though he knows only paint will make the wall white again, the boy gets back to it. He works the brush in tight circles. The chemical bites the back of his throat. The musty heat of the room comes up through his jeans. Above him the dryers wait their turn. He scrubs it again. It does not come clean. Act I. No Windows Ten O’Clock. The boy’s hands, clean and resting on a table on the second floor, where there are windows. He showered. Changed his shirt. The cart back in its closet, yellow sign hung above the mop sink. None of the morning is on him now. Not the smell or the chemical, nothing a person could see. The room is comfortable in a way the basement was not. The light moves through clouds outside. He takes a seat where he can watch it. There are nine of them and the professor. They are reading Rawls. The professor asks a question he is fond of. Imagine you do not know who you will be. Rich or poor. Gifted or ordinary. This family or that one. You must choose the rules of the society before the curtain lifts and you are told which life is yours. He lets it sit. Would you choose this one? The boy across the table answers first. He almost always answers first. This boy’s room is on the third floor. A corner suite, good light, and two windows. The nearest bathroom to his is the worst room in the hall. The third-floor boy doesn’t know that anyone knows this. All he knows is that the room is clean when he wakes. He has never wondered who cleans it. No reason he would. The world arrives each morning already ready for his use, the way it always has. The loud boy says society is just. He speaks well. He says that the door is open to anyone and that the ones who walk through it do so because of who they are, not who they were. On the other side of the door is a place that doesn’t ask where you came from, only what you can do. No one hands you anything here. The boy who scrubbed his bathroom at five stays silent. He could say something. He knows the thing you would say. He read it in this very seminar, three weeks back. They had all read it. There are as many students here from the top percent of the country as from its entire bottom three-fifths. He knows which part he came from. He cleans bathrooms at five in the morning. He could lay it out for them now. He does not. The attention is not on him and he would rather keep it that way. He folds his hands. Watches the cloud move across the light. The seminar runs its hour. The professor is not cruel. Not one of them is lying. But the room cannot see. Up here, the room believes everyone here is equal. The corner room boy believes the door is open because when he walked through it, it was open. The professor believes the question is still a question. Only the boy with the mop sees both parts of the building, and he says nothing because there is nothing to say that the room will hear. The professor closes the book. The hour is up. The boy from the third floor gathers his things and goes, and does not look at him on the way out, the way you do not look at what you do not know is there. At five tomorrow, he will be scrubbing the wall again. At ten, he will be back in this chair. He is the only one at the table who is both, and no one at the table knows it, and that is the stain. Act II. The Dark Page There is a window. At night the window is a black square with his reflection in it, not a view. He sits at the desk in the dark so as not to wake his roommate. The light comes off the screen and the cursor waits on him. The assignment. Six pages. Take the veil of ignorance and test it against a life. He can finish the essay in an hour. He has it in his head already. He starts. “Behind the veil, not knowing whether we will be rich or poor, we would build a society that protects the worst off, since any of us might be the worst off.” True. He keeps going. He writes that protecting the worst off does not have to mean the dishwasher and the surgeon take home the same pay. It means the dishwasher’s kid gets a fair run at the surgeon’s job. He thinks of a runner’s analogy and writes that fast runners should be allowed to run. He believes a piece of it. After all, in a classroom, he is a fast runner and has always been. That’s how he came to be at this university. He has known since he was small that his mind closes on a problem faster than the room around him, and he cannot pretend otherwise. He also knows there are slower runners, and you can’t make a slow runner fast. He writes that the rules should clear the track so a man or woman willing to run can get somewhere. This is what justice owes a person. Not the finish line, but a fair run at it. He reads it back. It is clean. Correct. He cannot find a false sentence in it. And it is a lie. Not in what it says. In what it leaves out, which is the whole of his own life. He is fast. And he cleans the bathroom at five. Both. No one cleared the track for him; he ran it carrying a mop, at an hour the corner-room boy will never see, and he is going to make it anyway, and the essay he just wrote would say that proves the system works. The fast runner ran and won. It is a lie. He keeps at the philosophy and the philosophy keeps beating him. Reward the runner who’s willing to run. Fine. But who handed the runner the will? The ability to run with the pain in your side. The discipline to run the sprints, quarter mile after quarter mile. He didn’t build the part of himself that works. It came down to him, from a mother, from somewhere, set before he could choose it, the same as the fast came down to him. Praise a man for trying and you’re praising him for something somebody handed him. Turn it the other way, though, and it’s worse. If trying comes down to pure luck, then nothing is earned, by anyone. A world that hands the man who runs and the man who sits the same bread will get a great deal less running. He has seen it. He knows the difference between a man who works and a man who waits, even if neither one chose the engine he was born with. The philosopher can prove on paper that no one earns anything. The boy who cleans the floor at five has seen too much to believe him, and could not tell you why. The old king had it three thousand years ago and the seminar hasn’t caught up. The race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong, nor bread to the wise. Not because the swift aren’t swift. Because the race was never the only thing happening. Time and chance happen to us all. It goes through his mind but he doesn’t write it down. The professor wants Rawls, not an old king. He looks at the clean, correct, lying page, and he does the only thing there is to do with a thing that will not come clean. He turns it in. Act III. The Stage The professor hands the papers back on a Tuesday. He saves the boy’s for last, and he means to discuss it. He sets it down and taps it and says it is good work, but that he lost the thread at the end. The connection to Rawls fell apart. Would the boy say a little more about what he was reaching for. The room glances at him. He could give them the quick easy version. He has it in his head already. But he can’t quite get to it. Instead he says he wasn’t reaching for anything. He says he was trying to write down what he already knew and couldn’t make sense of. He doesn’t say this out loud, but he knows it in his gut because he cleans the bathrooms, but putting it into words is…is… They wait. He knows it the way he knows the weight of a mop bucket, and they don’t. He says: you asked us to imagine not knowing who we’d be. He says he doesn’t have to imagine it. He says the man who wrote the question didn’t have to imagine it either. Rawls learned it somewhere the man beside him died and he didn’t, for no reason that made any sense to anyone, and he couldn’t afterward call the difference earned. That much comes out plain. He watches it land on nothing and keeps going anyway. He says everyone in this room was born on one side of the veil and has never seen the other. He looked. They didn’t have to. They know which cards life dealt them. They’ve known since they were small. The exercise asks them to pretend for an hour not to know, which is something a person can’t do. If your belly has never been empty, how can you pretend to know what hungry is? He says this university is the finest institution one could make and he means it. The professors teach well and no one is cruel and not one of them is lying. The question he can’t answer is: how you can build a thing this crooked while not doing a single thing wrong? They let him in and took his picture for the brochure, but he has to clean the bathrooms. He reaches for the last part. The part he wrote in the dark and deleted. Whose father’s name opens the door, and why the door has to stay this narrow to be worth walking through. He reaches for it, and it will not come. He says, finally, the only piece of it he can say plainly: that the building runs on the public’s money, and hangs the public’s oldest word over the door, and he has cleaned its floors at five in the morning and still does not know who the place is for. The ones who pay for it, or the ones who run it. Then he is done, because the rest of it will not come. For a moment there is a quiet that could go either way. A phone buzzes. A boy across the table drops his eyes to it under the lip of the table, reads, half-smiles at whatever it is, and is gone. Somewhere else now. The professor lets the quiet finish and nods. He says that is a rich response. He says it raises the distributive question Rawls cares most about, the difference principle, and that it would make a strong revision if the boy grounded it more firmly in the text. He says they are nearly out of time. He says good work again, and means it, and moves to the next paper. And that is all. Then, Spring, outside in the yard, in the late morning. They call his name and he crosses the stage. Shakes a hand. He is out of the basement for good, up the stairs, into the open air. He will not return. He finds his seat in the rows. The speeches run on and at some point he stops hearing them. That evening, the party. His parents are there, his friends from before. Some of them want him to go take on the world, to prove it could be done. His mother wants him home. And a few, the honest ones, know that a man who comes back from up here only makes the dark harder to sit in, and would not thank him for it. He cannot tell anymore whether he can’t go home or won’t. The sky opens up, and the first of them show. Somewhere, a wall waits under a dryer for somebody’s smartest child. He got out, and the getting out is what seals the next kid in. He looks up. Cold and far and indifferent. The same ones over everyone who ever got out and everyone who never did. Behold again the stars. Sources Primary sources for factual claims, listed in the order their material appears. Anthony Abraham Jack, The Privileged Poor: How Elite Colleges Are Failing Disadvantaged Students (Harvard University Press, 2019). The “Community Detail” work-study program. Low-income students cleaning the dormitory bathrooms of their wealthier peers, mopping up after weekend parties, is documented here, along with the segregated scholarship-ticket lines and the spring-break dining-hall closures. Publisher (primary): https://www.hup.harvard.edu/books/9780674248243 [https://www.hup.harvard.edu/books/9780674248243]. Harvard Educational Review, confirming the bathroom-cleaning program: https://www.harvardeducationalreview.org/content/89/3/509 [https://www.harvardeducationalreview.org/content/89/3/509]. The Chronicle of Higher Education profile of Jack, quoting the “Community Detail” passage and the student’s words directly: https://www.chronicle.com/article/can-this-man-change-how-elite-colleges-treat-low-income-students/ [https://www.chronicle.com/article/can-this-man-change-how-elite-colleges-treat-low-income-students/] Raj Chetty, David J. Deming & John N. Friedman, “Diversifying Society’s Leaders? The Determinants and Causal Effects of Admission to Highly Selective Private Colleges,” NBER Working Paper No. 31492 (2023). Children from the top 1% are more than twice as likely to attend an Ivy-Plus college as middle-class applicants with comparable SAT/ACT scores; two-thirds of the gap is the admissions rate itself. Attending Ivy-Plus raises the odds of reaching the top 1% of earnings by roughly 60%. Full paper (primary): https://www.nber.org/system/files/working_papers/w31492/w31492.pdf [https://www.nber.org/system/files/working_papers/w31492/w31492.pdf]. Non-technical summary, Opportunity Insights: https://opportunityinsights.org/paper/collegeadmissions/ [https://opportunityinsights.org/paper/collegeadmissions/] Chetty et al. (2017), “Mobility Report Cards,” for the income-share figure. At Harvard, ~15% of students come from the top 1%, roughly equal to the share from the entire bottom three-fifths of the income distribution. (38 colleges, including five Ivies, enroll more students from the top 1% than from the bottom 60%.). Opportunity Insights, college mobility data: https://opportunityinsights.org/paper/mobilityreportcards/ [https://opportunityinsights.org/paper/mobilityreportcards/] Peter Arcidiacono, expert report and testimony in Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard (2018 trial; decided U.S. Supreme Court, 2023). The “ALDC” category, Athletes, Legacies, applicants on the Dean’s interest list, and Children of faculty/staff made up under 5% of applicants but roughly 30% of admits, and roughly three-quarters of white ALDC admits would have been rejected absent the tip. Supreme Court opinion, SFFA v. Harvard (2023): https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/22pdf/20-1199_hgdj.pdf [https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/22pdf/20-1199_hgdj.pdf] John Rawls, A Theory of Justice (Harvard University Press, 1971; rev. ed. 1999). The original position and the veil of ignorance; the difference principle (inequalities are just only insofar as they benefit the worst-off). Publisher: https://www.hup.harvard.edu/books/9780674000780 [https://www.hup.harvard.edu/books/9780674000780] Rawls’s war (the unnamed soldier in Act III): Rawls served in the Pacific in WWII (New Guinea, the Philippines, occupied Japan), an experience widely tied by scholars to the moral intuition behind the veil. Thomas Pogge, John Rawls: His Life and Theory of Justice (Oxford, 2007): https://global.oup.com/academic/product/john-rawls-9780195136371 [https://global.oup.com/academic/product/john-rawls-9780195136371] Ecclesiastes 9:11, King James Version. I returned, and saw under the sun, that the race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong, neither yet bread to the wise, nor yet riches to men of understanding, nor yet favour to men of skill; but time and chance happeneth to them all. Traditionally attributed to Solomon (”the Preacher, the son of David, king in Jerusalem,” Ecclesiastes 1:1). KJV, full chapter: https://www.biblegateway.com/passage/?search=Ecclesiastes+9&version=KJV [https://www.biblegateway.com/passage/?search=Ecclesiastes+9&version=KJV] Dante Alighieri, Inferno — the closing line, e quindi uscimmo a riveder le stelle (”and thence we came forth to behold again the stars”), Canto XXXIV. Public-domain text, Project Gutenberg: https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/8789 [https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/8789] Plato, Republic, Book VII — the Allegory of the Cave (the prisoner freed into the sun; the question of return). Public-domain translation, Project Gutenberg: https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/1497 [https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/1497] Raj Chetty et al., “Social Capital I & II,” Nature (2022). Cross-class friendship (”economic connectedness”) is the single strongest predictor of upward mobility for low-income children. The value of the room is who is in it. Opportunity Insights, Social Capital Atlas: https://socialcapital.org/ Michael J. Sandel, The Tyranny of Merit (2020). On meritocracy’s hubris in the winners and humiliation in the losers, even when it “works.” Publisher: https://us.macmillan.com/books/9780374289980/thetyrannyofmerit [https://us.macmillan.com/books/9780374289980/thetyrannyofmerit] Get full access to I Believe at joelkdouglas.substack.com/subscribe [https://joelkdouglas.substack.com/subscribe?utm_medium=podcast&utm_campaign=CTA_4]

9. juni 202618 min
episode The Drought Sale artwork

The Drought Sale

A man selling good cows is not happy about it. Wednesday morning in May. He pulls into the gravel lot at half past seven. The sun is up but the cold has not gone. Winter is fighting summer. Some days in May might reach the 80s, some days snow. His breath hangs in the air and catches on the bill of his hat. Jesse stands on the seat and watches the door. The lot is full. It should not be full. Wednesday is not a normal sale day in May. Today is a drought sale, and the trailers are lined up in rows he has not seen in this lot in years. Goosenecks and bumper-pulls. Plates from three states. Some of the trailers have cows in them with calves still wet at their sides. The market is so busy there aren’t enough pens to hold all the groups. The ranchers unload, and the cattle move straight through the alleys into the sale ring, then onto a different truck. A rancher does not haul a wet calf to a sale barn unless something is wrong. He kills the engine. Sits a moment. The check he is about to get is already in his head. The math is bad and the math is the math. Twenty-five head in the trailer. Cows he had not planned to sell for years. Good cows. Bred back. The snow and the grass didn’t come this winter and the hay he would need to carry them through summer is gone or priced past what the check from October will cover. Some years he might have been able to buy hay from Missouri and ship it, but fuel prices are way high because some strait on the other side of the world is closed, so that doesn’t pencil out. He has run the numbers a hundred times since April. There is no version where he gets to keep them and still make money. He steps down. The gravel crunches. Jesse, Bentley mark on her forehead, stays in the cab. The brand inspector is at his post off to the left of the building. Same man. Carhartt and a brown ballcap. He looks up and nods. He has been doing this a long time and he has never seen a Wednesday like this one. He does not say so. He does not need to. Inside, the pay window. Three ladies behind it. One of them smiles at him the way she has smiled at him for twenty years. He touches the brim of his hat. Through the door to the arena. The stairs are tall and the bleachers are full. Men he knows. Men he does not. Coffee in styrofoam. The smell of diesel and pine shavings and manure that his father knew and his grandfather before him. The auctioneer is already going. He climbs up. Finds a seat. Watches. The buyers are in the front row. He counts them. Three. There should be more. He drove four hours past Buffalo to get to a barn that has eight on a good day. Today there are three, and none of them are looking up. A heeler trots up the aisle. Red, with a bad left ear. She sniffs his boot. Moves on. The cows come through. Cow calf pairs, mommas still wet from calving with their calves in the pen behind them. A man two rows down has his hand over his mouth. The auctioneer’s chant rises and the gavel falls and rises and falls again. His turn comes. Twenty-five head out of the trailer. Black, good condition, papers clean. The gate opens and they come through in a knot, hooves and dust, and the man with the flag moves them into the ring. The chant starts. A nod from the buyer for the Nebraska feedlot. A nod from Oklahoma. The Colorado man does not look up. The pause. The gavel. The price is the price. He walks down. Goes to the pay window. The lady he knows slides a check across the counter. She doesn’t smile. He folds the check and puts it in his shirt pocket and thanks her and touches his hat and walks out. The trailer is empty when he gets to it. Jesse stands up on the seat and waits for him to open the door. He sits a moment before he turns the key. The lot is still full. Other men are still in the bleachers. Cows in the holding pens behind the building are bawling for the calves they came in with, the calves now in different pens behind different trailers belonging to men they have never met. He has played the game for thirty years. His father played it for forty. His grandfather homesteaded the ground. It was never designed for him to win. He starts the truck. Pulls out of the lot. Four hours home. He has all afternoon to think about it. On the drive home, he passes a sign for a high school football field. He doesn’t think about it. He should. Act I. Hope in the North A Sunday in January, a sports bar in Detroit, a man in a Lions jersey watched his quarterback take a knee. Jared Goff at quarterback. Three years before, the Lions and Rams had swapped quarterbacks. The Lions sent Matthew Stafford to Los Angeles. The Rams sent Goff to Detroit along with two of their best draft picks for the next two years to make the deal go through. The NFL holds one draft a year. Every team picks new college players in turn, worst team first, best team last, the rule that has built competitive balance in the league for ninety years. Los Angeles gave up its top picks in two of those drafts to get Stafford. Two years of the league’s best mechanism for building a future, handed over for one quarterback. The Lions took the deal because they hadn’t won a playoff game in thirty-two years and had nothing left to lose, and because the picks the Rams handed over were what they needed to build a team around the quarterback nobody else wanted. Then, 2022. HBO put new head coach Dan Campbell’s fiery speeches on ‘Hard Knocks’ and the city took to him right away. The team started one and six that year, and then won eight of their final ten games. A year later. On this Sunday, in the wild card round of the 2023 playoffs, the Lions were ahead of the Rams by three with two minutes on the clock. Goff dropped back. He threw a first down to Amon-Ra St. Brown, a fourth-round receiver every other team had a chance to take, a receiver Detroit had taken because the rules of the draft put him in their pile when nobody else wanted him. The first down moved the chains. The clock kept running. Then the victory formation. Goff under center. The snap. The knee. Clock running. The crowd on its feet. The man at the bar with his hand on his beer and his eyes on the television and his throat closed. The Rams fans somewhere far away, already gone. The man at the bar had grown up watching the Lions lose. His father had grown up watching the Lions lose. Thirty-two years. The Lions had been the worst-run franchise in American sports. The rock bottom of those years came in 2008 when they became the first team in NFL history to lose every game of a season. Detroit was the punchline of every joke about American decline and the people who lived there had been told by everyone who had never lived there that the city was finished. The man at the bar had not moved on. And on this Sunday in January, his team was taking a victory knee in a playoff game. The league was built for this. The teams had the same salary cap. The same revenue from the same national television deal. The same weighted draft order that gave worse teams better picks the next year. Rules written so that thirty-two years of losing could be ended by good drafts and good decisions and a fair chance. The Lions did not win the Super Bowl that year. They lost the divisional round the next week by three points, on a kick as time expired. The season didn’t need a trophy. The season had done the work. Detroit had been crushed by shuttered auto plants and fights between capital and labor. The Lions gave them reason to keep going. The man at the bar would carry that reason into his Monday morning. Into the rest of the winter, into the next season and the season after that. Whatever else the Lions did or did not do, the man at the bar had been given back the thing that had been taken from his city for thirty-two years. A country, like a city, has to be allowed to keep what it has earned. Our founding documents are our rules. The rules say we the people, for the people. They claim a kid born in a leaky trailer can raise her children in a warm house, with food on the table, in a good school district. They are either true, or they are the most spectacular lie ever committed to paper. Competition does not happen naturally. The principle is older than football, and the league did not invent it. It has to be designed. Enforced. Maintained, year after year, against the gravitational pull of consolidation, because consolidation is what every winning team and every winning company would prefer if the rules allowed it. The rules aren’t focused on the teams. They’re focused on the people. At the start of every season, any fan can believe their team can win a playoff game. The salary cap does not celebrate competition. It is an admission that without it, the Steelers and the Patriots and the Chiefs would eat everyone, and the product would die. The NFL’s design isn’t perfect. The Patriots ran the AFC East for two decades. The Chiefs have run the AFC West for most of the last ten years. The Packers under Lombardi won five championships in seven seasons. Talent clusters. Coaches and quarterbacks and general managers cluster with talent. The design can’t stop Tom Brady and Patrick Mahomes from being great quarterbacks. The design constrains the time over which a team can dominate everyone else. Imperfect is not the same as failed. And it took many years to build consensus. In February of 1936, Bert Bell, owner of the worst team in football, proposed that the league’s college player draft be run in reverse order. Worst team picks first. Best team picks last. The richest owners in the room would lose the freedom to outbid Bell for college talent. They would lose the path to permanent dominance. Bell argued that without the rule, the strongest teams would consolidate talent year over year, the weaker teams would fold one by one, and a league without competitive balance would lose its audience. The vote was unanimous. The first NFL draft was held two days later. The reverse-order draft has been the rule ever since. Twenty-five years later, in 1961, Commissioner Pete Rozelle proposed a single national television contract that would split the revenue equally among all fourteen teams. The richest teams would leave millions of dollars on the table. They agreed. Rozelle then took the deal to a federal court in Philadelphia, where a judge ruled it an illegal restraint of trade under the Sherman Antitrust Act. Rozelle had weeks to save it. He went to Congress, testified that professional sports could not function as ordinary businesses because no team in a league wants its competitors to fold, and asked for a law that would legalize what the court had just struck down. Congress passed the Sports Broadcasting Act in September. President Kennedy signed it. Every dollar of national television revenue the NFL has earned since has been split evenly among the franchises because a Commissioner persuaded the owners of the richest teams to share with the poorest, and then persuaded Congress to bless the sharing. We built the design for a game. We didn’t build it for beef or airlines or for the search bar in everyone’s pocket or the cloud the search bar runs on or the eyeglasses on the reader’s face or the seeds the farmer puts in the ground. In every one of those markets we did the opposite. We let corporations consolidate and shareholders cut costs. The products got worse and prices got higher and the people on the receiving end of those markets, like the rancher, the traveler, the searcher, the patient, and the farmer, got told it was the cost of efficiency. It is not the cost of efficiency. It is the cost of cowardice. Now, let’s not be naive. The NFL is a cartel. The salary cap is wage suppression. The draft is a restraint on the freedom of a young man to sell his work to the highest bidder. The revenue sharing is collusion among thirty-two owners who agreed to bind themselves to a common rule. The cartel produces something the free market does not. A Sunday in January in Detroit. A man at a bar with his throat closed. Hope in a city that everyone told to give up. The cartel produces the thing a country actually needs its institutions to produce. We built the rules for a game. We didn’t build them for the country. We still can. It’s been done before. Act II. Sir Robert Peel A century and a half before Bert Bell asked his peers to constrain themselves, a different man stood in a different chamber and asked the same thing of a different cartel. He had no Commissioner. No Congress willing to bless what he was about to do. He had only the office, the argument, and courage. His name was Robert Peel. He was a Tory. He was Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, the most powerful office in the most powerful empire the world had ever seen. He had been born to a wealthy cotton manufacturer and raised to defend the interests of the rich men who had paid for his education. He did, for thirty years. He defended them in the House of Commons. He defended them as Home Secretary. He defended them as Prime Minister. The interests he defended included the Corn Laws. The Corn Laws were tariffs on imported grain. Tariffs are taxes on the poor. They had been passed in 1815 to protect the price of domestic British wheat against cheaper grain from mainland Europe and the United States. The men they protected were the landed gentry. The men they hurt were everyone who bought bread. In a country where the working class spent half its income on food, the new taxes stood between a man’s wage and his children’s supper. Peel defended them. He believed, as his father and his class had, that protecting domestic agriculture was the foundation of national security and social order. He was not wrong about either argument. A country that cannot feed itself is a country at the mercy of its enemies. A country with impoverished agricultural producers is a country with unstable political order. The arguments were serious. Peel made them seriously. Then the potato crop failed in Ireland. In the autumn of 1845, a fungus arrived in Europe and turned the Irish potato harvest into a black slurry in the ground. The crop failed again in 1846. And again in 1847. Ireland, a country of eight million people, lost a million of them to starvation and disease in five years. Another million left. The population of Ireland in 1851 was smaller than in 1841. The Corn Laws did not cause the famine. The blight caused the famine. But the Corn Laws were the laws under which a starving country could not buy cheap grain from abroad, because the laws made cheap grain illegal. The landed class was protected. The Irish peasant was not. Peel saw it. He had defended the laws his entire career, and he saw what the laws were doing in the autumn of 1845. He decided he had been wrong. Not wrong about the principle of national agricultural security. Wrong about tariffs levied on the people who were starving in real time. The arguments he had made for thirty years were no longer the arguments the moment required. The discipline of his career was to follow the evidence to the decisive point. He did. He decided to repeal the Corn Laws. His party would not follow him. His party was the Conservative Party. He had built it and supported the wealthy elites. He had defended their principles for three decades. Repealing the Corn Laws meant taking food off the table of the men who had funded his career and put him in his office. Two-thirds of his own party voted against him. He did it anyway. The Importation Act passed the House of Commons on May 15, 1846. The House of Lords passed it on June 25. Royal assent came the next day. The cartel of grain prices that had stood for thirty-one years was no more. The same night the Lords passed the repeal, a coalition of Whigs, Radicals, and protectionist Tories who had not forgiven Peel for his betrayal defeated his government on an unrelated Irish coercion bill. The vote was 292 to 219. Peel resigned the office of Prime Minister four days later, on June 29, 1846. He had spent his career as a Tory and ended it without a party. The Conservatives he had built would not speak his name without a curse for a generation. He gave three speeches before he resigned. The last was the one that mattered. On June 29 he stood in the chamber and defended what he had done. He didn’t apologize or hedge. He explained that he had repealed the laws because the laws had become unjust. That a country whose food was priced beyond the reach of its workers was a country whose government had failed in its first responsibility. That protecting the few at the cost of the many was not conservatism. It was privilege wearing the costume of conservatism. And that the conservative who refused to know the difference was conserving nothing worth conserving. And then he turned, in the last paragraph, to the country he was leaving. In modern words, he said: One day, families will sit in a warm house and share a meal. They will have earned that meal by the sweat of their brow, in work that paid them what their work was worth. The food on their table will not be priced past their reach by men they will never meet. They will not give thanks for the absence of injustice, because they will not have to know it was ever there. In those houses, perhaps, they will remember one who had the courage to lose his career so the cartel could be broken. One who had the discipline to follow the evidence past every argument he had spent his life making. One who had the justice to say out loud that a law written to protect the few at the cost of the many is not a law worth keeping. One who had the wisdom to know that a party which protects privilege is not conserving anything that deserves to be conserved. In those houses, they will remember him with goodwill, the way a family at a full table remembers anyone who made the table possible. Sir Robert Peel died four years later, in July of 1850. Thrown from a horse on Constitution Hill in London. It shied, threw him, and fell on top of him. He lived for three days in pain and died at his home in Whitehall Gardens. He was sixty-two. His party did not attend his funeral. The working men of Britain did. They lined the streets in numbers no one expected. They had not known him personally. They had never been in a room with him. They knew only that they were eating cheaper bread because of what he had done. The law that had taxed their suppers had been broken by a man who had been the most powerful man in the country. He had spent his career defending the system and then gave up his power to break it. We have his problem. Courage is not rare. It is common. What is rare is the willingness to pay its price. Act III. The Empty Pen North out of Torrington on 26, then west to Casper, then north again toward home. Jesse on the seat. The check folded in his shirt pocket. Empty trailer behind him. Afternoon sun on his left shoulder. He has driven this road a thousand times. He has never driven it after a sale like this one. The rain had come last week, too late to matter. The grass here was winter grass. The rain would make it green, but it grew in the winter, not the summer. It would not grow now. By July the pastures would be the color of straw. Twenty-five head. Good cows. Cows he had not planned to sell for years. Cows that would have raised calves in 2027 and 2028 and 2029. Three years of calves gone in one Wednesday morning. The calves those calves would have raised, gone with them. He had not just sold cows. He had sold the next decade of the ranch. If he could have kept heifers in 2026, the bull could breed them in 2027, calves in 2028. By the time those calves were on the ground and weaned and through the feedlot, that’s pretty close to the end of the decade. There isn’t anything anybody can change. We can’t build them out of spare parts. Biology is biology. A cow has one calf a year. A heifer takes two years to be ready. The herd can’t be rebuilt by want or policy or prayer. The herd can only be rebuilt by years of high prices that let ranchers afford to keep the females and breed them instead of selling them. The herd needs five years. The drought reset the clock to zero. His kids in three cities will be in middle age before the national herd is back to where it was the day before he was born. And prices will stay high until that day comes. North of Kaycee the Bighorns come up on the left in a long pale wall. Snow on the high peaks. The sage between him and the mountains, gray and patient. He knows what the country could do, if the country had the courage. The answers are not hidden. They are not even particularly hard. Break up the four packers. Enforce the Packers and Stockyards Act the way it was written to be enforced. Give him eight buyers in the front row at Torrington instead of three. Let the price the auctioneer calls be a price discovered in a real market, not a price set the day before on a board in Chicago by four companies that act like one. Label the beef. Country-of-origin, ranch-of-origin, USDA grade fed back to the cow-calf operator the way the data has been technically possible for ten years and politically possible for none. Let his good cows command the premium good cows are worth. Let consumers know what they are buying. Let the price he gets reflect the work he did. Tax the businesses that pay their workers below the wage that keeps them off social programs. Reward the ranches and the diners and the small operations whose employees do not need the taxpayer’s help to heat the house. Stop subsidizing corporations that pay their employees so little the government has to make up the difference. Stop treating corporations like disadvantaged small businesses. Build starter homes. Reform zoning. Let his son in Billings come home to a house his work can afford. None of it is theoretical. All of it has been written, debated, modeled, scored, and shelved. The reforms are sitting in committee files in Washington. They are sitting in policy papers from Heritage and Brookings. They are sitting in the books on his own nightstand. What is missing is the senator who will lose her caucus to vote for them. The congressman who will lose his district. The president who will lose his coalition the morning after the bill is signed. Courage is not rare. The willingness to pay its price is. He does not know if that person exists. He has not seen one in his lifetime. But he hopes, because the alternative means agreeing to the world as it is. The wicked prosper, injustice goes unanswered, the violent rule the meek. He does not agree. He will walk on the high hills. He turns off the highway onto the county road. Past the mailbox his father put up. The gate his grandfather hung. Jesse stands up on the seat. The kitchen window light is on. The wife is at her desk, writing. He walks out behind the barn, to the pens. They will be empty this summer. And next summer. Maybe the summer after that. Empty when his son in Billings decides whether to come home, or empty when his son decides not to. The wind moves through the aspens. A meadowlark sings from the pasture. The Bighorns catch the last of the light. A man selling good cows is not happy about it. Sources Kate Meadows, “Wyoming Ranchers Selling Off Cattle As Drought Tightens Grip Across State.” Cowboy State Daily, May 13, 2026. https://cowboystatedaily.com/2026/05/13/wyoming-ranchers-selling-off-cattle-as-drought-tightens-grip-across-state/ [https://cowboystatedaily.com/2026/05/13/wyoming-ranchers-selling-off-cattle-as-drought-tightens-grip-across-state/] The May 13, 2026 special drought sale at Torrington Livestock Markets — 9,000 head, against a typical May weekly volume of 400 to 700 head. Co-owner Lander Nicodemus on the cause. USDA National Agricultural Statistics Service, “Cattle Inventory,” January 30, 2026.https://usda.library.cornell.edu/concern/publications/h702q636h [https://usda.library.cornell.edu/concern/publications/h702q636h] Official USDA-NASS report. Total cattle and calves at 86.2 million head as of January 1, 2026 — lowest since 1951. Beef cow inventory at 27.6 million head. American Farm Bureau Federation, “Smaller Cattle Herd Creates Market Volatility.” https://www.fb.org/market-intel/smaller-cattle-herd-creates-market-volatility [https://www.fb.org/market-intel/smaller-cattle-herd-creates-market-volatility] Farm Bureau analysis. Year 13 of the current cattle cycle, year 8 of contraction. Derrell S. Peel, “Drought Threatens the Herd Rebuild.” Cow/Calf Corner Newsletter, Oklahoma State University Extension, May 6, 2026. Republished by Angus Beef Bulletin [https://www.angus.org/angus-media/angus-beef-bulletin/abb-extra/2026/05/hn_drought-threatens-the-herd-rebuild]. The White House, “Executive Order on Promoting Competition in the American Economy [https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2021/07/14/2021-15069/promoting-competition-in-the-american-economy],” July 9, 2021. Official statement confirming the Big Four control approximately 85% of the beef market. The Fence Post, “100 years of the Packers and Stockyards Act: Modernization and enforcement [https://www.thefencepost.com/news/100-years-of-the-packers-and-stockyards-act-modernization-and-enforcement/],” August 20, 2021. Equitable Growth, “Protecting livestock producers and chicken growers: Recommendations for reinvigorating enforcement of the Packers and Stockyards Act,” 2023. https://equitablegrowth.org/research-paper/protecting-livestock-producers-and-chicken-growers/ [https://equitablegrowth.org/research-paper/protecting-livestock-producers-and-chicken-growers/] Policy analysis of the Packers and Stockyards Act and current enforcement gaps. Pro Football Hall of Fame, “1936: The NFL’s First Draft.” https://www.profootballhof.com/football-history/nfl-draft-history/1930/1936 [https://www.profootballhof.com/football-history/nfl-draft-history/1930/1936] Official Hall of Fame history. Bert Bell’s proposal approved May 19, 1935. First NFL draft held February 8, 1936 at the Ritz-Carlton Hotel in Philadelphia. Jay Berwanger first pick. Federal Judicial Center, “NFL Television Broadcasting.” https://www.fjc.gov/history/spotlight-judicial-history/nfl-television-broadcasting [https://www.fjc.gov/history/spotlight-judicial-history/nfl-television-broadcasting] Federal court history. Judge Allan K. Grim’s 1961 ruling that the NFL’s pooled CBS deal violated the Sherman Antitrust Act, and the legislative response. Sir Robert Peel, “Resignation of the Ministry,” speech in the House of Commons, June 29, 1846. Hansard, 3rd Series, Vol. 87, cols. 1043–1056. https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1846/jun/29/resignation-of-the-ministry [https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1846/jun/29/resignation-of-the-ministry] The full resignation speech, in Peel’s own words, as recorded in the parliamentary record. The closing passage modernized in Act II of the essay is from this speech. Boyd Hilton, A Mad, Bad, and Dangerous People? England 1783–1846. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2006. Standard academic history of the period including the Corn Laws repeal and Peel’s career. Norman Gash, Sir Robert Peel: The Life of Sir Robert Peel After 1830. London: Longman, 1972. The standard biography. Sourced for the death of Peel (June 29 – July 2, 1850) and the working men’s response at his funeral. Cormac Ó Gráda, Black ‘47 and Beyond: The Great Irish Famine in History, Economy, and Memory. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999. Standard academic history of the famine. Central Statistics Office of Ireland, “Population of Ireland 1841–2022.” https://www.cso.ie/en/statistics/population/ [https://www.cso.ie/en/statistics/population/]Official Irish census data showing the population decline from 8.2 million in 1841 to 6.5 million in 1851 and below. National Famine Museum, Strokestown Park. https://strokestownpark.ie/national-famine-museum/ [https://strokestownpark.ie/national-famine-museum/] Documentation of the famine, mortality, and emigration. Habakkuk 3:17–19 (New King James Version). Though the fig tree may not blossom, Nor fruit be on the vines; Though the labor of the olive may fail, And the fields yield no food; Though the flock may be cut off from the fold, And there be no herd in the stalls — Yet I will rejoice in the LORD, I will joy in the God of my salvation. The LORD God is my strength; He will make my feet like deer’s feet, And He will make me walk on my high hills. To the Chief Musician. With my stringed instruments. Habakkuk 1:2–4 (New King James Version), on injustice unanswered. Source of the prophet’s complaint: “the wicked surround the righteous, therefore perverse judgment proceeds.” Companion Pieces The rancher, the four-packer market, the kids in three cities, and the structural reforms named in Act III have been developed across the following pieces in this body of work: The Price Is the Price: A Letter to Raging Moderates. Both Fly. The Sand Trap. Should America Give Our Surplus Grain Away Every Year? Should American Cattle Ranchers Sacrifice for China? Do You Know Where Your Beef Comes From? Why Do We Treat Small Businesses Like Publicly Traded Corporations? Get full access to I Believe at joelkdouglas.substack.com/subscribe [https://joelkdouglas.substack.com/subscribe?utm_medium=podcast&utm_campaign=CTA_4]

2. juni 202629 min
episode We Are All Republicans, We Are All Federalists artwork

We Are All Republicans, We Are All Federalists

Dr. Nick van Terheyden had bone pain that he could not explain. He was fifty-eight, a physician in Maryland. A specialist ordered a $350 blood test for vitamin D deficiency. The test came back positive. The deficiency was severe enough that if left untreated, it would lead to osteoporosis. Van Terheyden’s insurer was Cigna. They refused to pay for the test. The corporate medical director who signed the denial letter said the test wasn’t medically necessary. Van Terheyden read the letter, looking for the clinical reasoning. There was none. Only generic language, a response from a machine. He filed an appeal. A second medical director upheld the denial. To reimburse van Terheyden for the test that had come back positive, van Terheyden would have to prove he had a vitamin D deficiency before the test had been done. He kept investigating. Cigna used a system that flagged mismatches between billing codes and acceptable diagnoses. It let the company’s medical directors deny claims in batches without opening a patient’s file. Internal documents later showed that the doctor who rejected van Terheyden’s claim rejected roughly sixty thousand claims in a single month. Over a two-month window, Cigna physicians denied more than three hundred thousand payment requests. The average review took 1.2 seconds. It took seven months and an external medical review to force the insurer to pay the $350. Two years passed. On December 4, 2024, a man named Brian Thompson stepped out of a New York hotel and was shot dead on the sidewalk. He was the chief executive of UnitedHealthcare. Shell casings left behind were inscribed with three words: deny, defend, depose. Across demographic lines, Americans began telling their own stories. Denials, delays, bankruptcies, deaths. The shooter had read the same files Dr. van Terheyden had. So, it turned out, had millions of others. The event left a question America still cannot bring itself to ask out loud. What would it take to build a healthcare arrangement Americans can actually live with? Act I. The Body In Centerville, Ohio, Tim Anderson watched his wife die for three years. Doctors diagnosed Mary Anderson with amyotrophic lateral sclerosis. ALS destroys motor neurons one at a time. The body loses the ability to walk, then to swallow, then to speak, then to breathe. The mind stays. The patient is awake for all of it. By the end, Mary could no longer move her arms or her legs. She could no longer eat without help. Her voice was going. Her physicians prescribed equipment to help her breathe and to help her speak. The Andersons were insured through UnitedHealthcare. UnitedHealthcare denied both claims. Tim Anderson appealed. The company denied the appeals. He appealed again. The denials continued. The medical necessity of the equipment was not in dispute among Mary’s doctors. The diagnosis was not in dispute. The progression of the disease was not in dispute. The only substance in dispute was whether the insurer would pay. The Andersons could not get coverage for the machines that would have helped Mary breathe or speak. Toward the end, Mary communicated by blinking when Tim held up pictures. The family relied on donations from a local ALS group to cover what their insurance had refused. She died in 2022. After the shooting on the sidewalk in New York, Tim Anderson spoke to a reporter. He said this: “The business model for insurance is don’t pay. When Mary could still talk, she said to me to keep fighting this. It needs to be exposed.” The Andersons live in red, rural Ohio. Tim Anderson is sixty-seven. He worked his whole adult life, paid his premiums, raised his family. He didn’t enter the healthcare debate through ideology. His wife’s battle brought him into it anyway. Eight hundred miles south, in Jefferson, Georgia, Luke Seaborn opened a shop to restore classic cars. Seaborn was fifty-four. He had been trained as a chemical engineer and had spent years in corporate work before leaving to do what he loved. The shop was small. The private insurance market for a small business owner in rural Georgia was punishing. For himself and his son, the premiums were close to impossible. In 2023, Georgia’s Republican governor Brian Kemp launched a program called Pathways to Coverage. It was a Medicaid waiver with a work requirement. Eligible Georgians could enroll if they could prove they were working, studying, or volunteering at least eighty hours a month. The program was designed as a conservative answer to Medicaid expansion. It tied coverage to personal responsibility. Seaborn enrolled. He believed in what the program said it was. He was grateful for the coverage. When the governor’s office asked him to film a promotional video, he agreed. He stood in his shop, surrounded by vintage Fords, and praised Pathways as a blessing. The governor used the footage to argue that work requirements foster independence. Then the program began to fail him. Seaborn logged his eighty hours every month, as required. In November, the state canceled his coverage. The state had quietly introduced a new form. It required enrollees to periodically re-enroll by re-entering the same information in a different format. Only an insurance executive Seaborn had met during the promotional shoot could restore his benefits. He had to call her directly. A few months later, a software glitch stopped his text alerts. He logged into the portal in March and discovered his coverage was set to terminate on April first. The state said he had missed an annual income statement. His policy was not yet due for renewal. He could not reach a caseworker by phone. He paid out of pocket for his family’s medications while he tried to fix it. The Pathways program had cost Georgia taxpayers more than eighty-six million dollars by then. More than fifty million had gone to Deloitte Consulting to build the portal. The program had enrolled barely three percent of those eligible. Seaborn said this to a reporter: “I am so frustrated with this whole journey. I did what I was supposed to. But that wasn’t good enough.” Two Americans. Different states. Different tribes. Different illnesses and programs. UnitedHealthcare denied Mary Anderson’s breathing machine. The State of Georgia’s Medicaid portal canceled Luke Seaborn’s coverage. One was private corporate denial. One was public administrative failure. They are the same failure. In both cases, a working American did what the system asked. Paid the premiums. Filed the forms. Logged the hours. Played by the rules of the arrangement. In both cases, the arrangement failed to honor its own terms. The diagnosis, the mechanism, the grief. These are not partisan. The conservative rancher’s widow and the conservative small-business owner are not the only Americans this happens to. The diagnosis runs the country. Healthcare administration, then, is not a debate. It is a machine. Act II. The Architecture In Holly Springs, Mississippi, Dr. Kenneth Williams runs the only hospital within twenty-five miles. Williams is a family physician and the chief executive of Alliance HealthCare System. Holly Springs is in Marshall County. Marshall County has about thirty-eight thousand people. The next-closest hospital is a long drive. Williams has been there since 1999. Sixty to sixty-five percent of his patients are on Medicare. When Medicare Advantage came into the program in 2006, the math of running his hospital changed. For five years before that, Alliance had been profitable. After Medicare Advantage took hold, the hospital lost almost two million dollars in a single year. Denials came in patterns Williams had not seen before. Insurers rejected treatments his physicians ordered. Insurers a thousand miles away shortened stays his physicians said were necessary. The denials killed a geriatric psychiatry program Alliance had built to serve the county’s elderly. The hospital had to close it. Williams was blunt about the system and the insurers. “I knew that our hospital couldn’t exist under the payment system it is under right now,” he said. About the insurers he went further: “They don’t want to reimburse for anything. Deny, deny, deny. They are taking over Medicare and they are taking advantage of elderly patients.” The hospital had already ended inpatient care in March 2023. Then they had to close the only emergency room in Marshall County in April 2024. Williams kept what he could: outpatient services, the clinic, the lab. The architecture had dismantled the rest of his hospital, floor by floor. When a reporter asked him who suffered from the closures, he answered in two words. “My patients.” Williams does not know Dr. Nick van Terheyden. He has never read the ProPublica investigation of Cigna’s algorithm. He has not seen the internal documents showing what 1.2 seconds per claim looks like on a corporate scorecard. He does not need to. He has watched the same gears grind his county for more than twenty years. He watched it kill a psychiatry program for elderly people in rural Mississippi. He watched it nearly kill the hospital itself. The Maryland physician saw the algorithm. The Mississippi physician saw the cemetery. This is the architecture America built. Whether by design or by negligence, we built it. A patient gets sick. A doctor orders a test or a treatment or a piece of equipment. A system designed to find reasons not to pay reviews the order. A doctor does not. The reviewing doctor, if there is one, does not open the file. The system issues the denial. A second reviewer hears the appeal and upholds the first. The patient appeals again, if the patient has the time and the literacy and the energy. Most do not. The question this architecture raises is older than the architecture itself. Who decides? Who has the authority to decide what shall be done with a human body? The person whose body it is, the doctor she has chosen to examine her, or a corporate medical director who has never met her and will not open her file? The American tradition has an answer. The patient and her physician. The body is the first property a person owns, and the right to decide what happens to it is the foundation of the right of liberty. No one has the authority to override that judgment. Not the state. Not a corporation. Not an actuary. The arrangement America built does this routinely. It is our business model. The question of who decides is only half of the moral architecture. The other half is older than the Republic. The race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong, nor bread to the wise. Time and chance happen to us all. Mary Anderson did not choose ALS. The patients in Marshall County did not choose to be born into a county that lost the only mental health service it had. Time and chance fell on them, inside a system we built as if we believed time and chance did not exist. A healthcare arrangement worthy of the American tradition has to do two things at once. It has to preserve the liberty of the patient and the physician. And it has to provide a floor against the cruel net. The arrangement America built fails at both. It overrides patient and physician judgment through automatic denial, and it leaves people bankrupt when the net falls anyway. It violates liberty without providing security. It manages neither responsibility nor mercy. The country has lived with this long enough to recognize what it is doing. Tim Anderson knew when UnitedHealthcare denied his wife’s breathing machine. Luke Seaborn knew when Georgia’s portal canceled his coverage. Williams has known since 2006. Van Terheyden since 2021. This isn’t partisan. The architecture is the disease. The tougher question is, what do we do about it? Act III. The Long Walls In Big Sandy, Montana, Shane Chauvet was working his ranch when a windstorm came up. Big Sandy sits on the high prairie just north of the Missouri Breaks. Eight hundred people. One hospital. Twenty-five beds. The Big Sandy Medical Center is what the federal government calls a critical access facility. For the ranchers and farmers of that part of Chouteau County, it is what stands between a bad day and a fatal one. The wind that afternoon was strong enough to tear pieces of metal off the outbuildings. A sheet of it caught Chauvet as it flew. The cut nearly took his arm off. His wife loaded him into a truck. They drove to the hospital. They found the emergency room doors locked. The wind had knocked out the power across the county and the staff had moved to a side entrance to run the building on generators. Chauvet’s wife pounded on the doors while his blood pooled on the ground. Someone heard her. The medical staff at Big Sandy stabilized the arm. Then they put Chauvet in a ground ambulance and drove him eighty miles through rain and hail. Chauvet credits the hospital with saving his arm and his life. He told a reporter what he had learned. “I always would say, ‘Oh, they’re nice to have,’ but now I look at the hospital and say, ‘That’s essential to our community.’” The Big Sandy Medical Center may not be there in five years. Since 2010, nearly one hundred rural hospitals across the United States have closed. The reasons are not mysterious. Medicare Advantage and commercial insurers pay below the cost of providing care. The denials grind the margins to nothing. The closures begin with inpatient services, then the emergency room, then the doors. Marshall County, Mississippi, lived through this with Dr. Williams’ hospital between 2023 and 2024. Chouteau County, Montana, is one storm away from watching it happen to its own. When the cruel net falls on a working American in rural America, the architecture that catches him is fragile. The system that overrides his physician’s judgment when he is sick is the same system that dismantles the hospital that will keep him alive when the wind picks up. The architecture that is the disease is not in question. The country has known what its healthcare arrangement is doing for years. The tougher question is, what do we do about it? A national single-payer healthcare system makes sense. Lower administrative cost, universal coverage, the bargaining leverage to discipline pharma and provider pricing, and the elimination of bureaucratic violence. There’s nothing radical about people having healthcare, jobs, and education. We find money for what we prioritize. An America that wanted to make this transition could do it. And it will fail catastrophically if one party passes it 51-49, because half the country will spend the next forty years trying to dismantle it, and the instability of that fight will produce worse outcomes than the broken system it replaced. In May 2026, a prominent progressive leader vying for a presidential run described single-payer healthcare in a single word: forever. Presidents, senators, and elected officials come and go. Single-payer healthcare would outlast them all. This is the language of division. One tribe passes structural reform over the other and locks it in beyond the reach of reversal. And it is exactly the move that guarantees the reform’s failure. The Affordable Care Act is the proof. It passed in 2010 on a party-line vote; every Republican administration since has worked to dismantle it. Every Democratic administration has worked to expand it. Sixteen years later, hospitals cannot plan. Insurers cannot plan. Patients cannot plan. The rules change with every election. The instability is its failure. Now imagine that fight scaled to the entire healthcare economy. Every two years, every four years, the question reopened. A country that cannot agree on how to administer an insurance subsidy cannot administer a national healthcare system passed by half of itself over the other half. The alternative is consensus. Medicare is the proof. It passed in 1965 with substantial Republican support; seventy House Republicans, thirteen Senate Republicans. It has survived sixty years because both parties helped build it. Both parties campaign on protecting it. The durability of consent. Ancient Athens and its port lay four miles apart. The countryside between them belonged to no one in particular and to every army that crossed it. After the Persian Wars, during the half-century the Athenians later called the Pentecontaetia, the city built two parallel walls along the road to the sea. The walls connected the city to the port. They made the four miles between the city and the port indistinguishable from the city itself. An enemy could blockade the city, and grain could come in. Ships could be supplied. The city could not be starved out so long as the walls stood. The walls cost a generation of argument to build. Sparta opposed them. Athenian factions opposed them. The Athenians built them anyway because the men who remembered the Persian invasion understood that a city cut off from its port was already lost. They built across disagreement. They built because the alternative was a slow surrender to anyone who could control the road. The framers understood this. The Constitution that we have was the product of a long summer of argument, compromise, and the deliberate construction of an architecture meant to require ongoing consent rather than one-time victory. We argue about Senate representation and the Electoral College, but the small states would not have joined the Union otherwise. The whole document is an exercise in building across difference. Healthcare in America has to be built the same way, or it cannot be built at all. The arrangement we build cannot belong to one tribe. The progressive who calls single-payer forever and the conservative who calls all collective provision socialism are both refusing the harder work, which is the work of building something that survives them. The Republic does not run on wishes and mandates. It runs on consent. In March 1801, after one of the bitterest elections in American history, Thomas Jefferson stood on the Capitol steps and addressed a country that had nearly broken under the strain of the contest he had just won. We are all Republicans, he said. We are all Federalists. He was telling the country that the legitimacy of the new arrangement required incorporating the people who had lost the election, not ruling over them. Healthcare reform of any kind demands the same consensus from a generation that has mostly forgotten how to gain it. The architecture is the disease. We built it. We can build something else. We will not do it as Republicans. We will not do it as Democrats. We will do it as Americans, or we will not do it at all. Sources Patrick Rucker, Maya Miller, and David Armstrong, How Cigna Saves Millions by Having Its Doctors Reject Claims Without Reading Them [https://www.propublica.org/article/cigna-pxdx-medical-health-insurance-rejection-claims]. ProPublica and The Capitol Forum, March 25, 2023. The investigation that exposed the PXDX system, Dr. Cheryl Dopke’s sixty thousand denials in a single month, and Dr. Nick van Terheyden’s seven-month appeal for a three-hundred-fifty-dollar test. PBS NewsHour, UnitedHealthcare CEO Shooting Opens Floodgates of Americans’ Insurance Frustrations [https://www.pbs.org/newshour/nation/unitedhealthcare-ceo-shooting-opens-floodgates-of-americans-insurance-frustrations]. December 2024. Primary source for the Tim and Mary Anderson story, including the denial of equipment to help Mary breathe and speak, and the pictures Tim held up so Mary could blink. Margaret Coker, He Became the Face of Georgia’s Medicaid Work Requirement. Now He’s Fed Up With It [https://www.propublica.org/article/georgia-medicaid-pathways-brian-kemp-luke-seaborn-testimonial-video]. ProPublica and The Current GA, May 14, 2025. The Luke Seaborn story, the Pathways portal failures, the Deloitte contract, and the three-percent enrollment figure. Gretchen Morgenson, ‘Deny, Deny, Deny’: By Rejecting Claims, Medicare Advantage Plans Threaten Rural Hospitals and Patients, Say CEOs [https://www.nbcnews.com/health/rejecting-claims-medicare-advantage-rural-hospitals-rcna121012]. NBC News, October 31, 2023. Source for Dr. Kenneth Williams’s quote about Medicare Advantage practices. Anna Wolfe, Holly Springs Hospital Ends Inpatient Care [https://mississippitoday.org/2023/03/31/holly-springs-hospital-inpatient-care/]. Mississippi Today, March 31, 2023. The 2006 financial losses at Alliance HealthCare System and Williams’s diagnosis that the hospital could not survive under the existing payment system. Anna Wolfe, Marshall County’s Only ER to Close [https://mississippitoday.org/2024/04/11/holly-springs-hospital-er-closure/]. Mississippi Today, April 11, 2024. The April 2024 emergency room closure and Williams’s two-word answer to the question of who suffered. Dr. Kenneth Williams, The Future of Healthcare in Marshall County [https://www.southreporter.com/news/future-healthcare-marshall-county]. The South Reporter, March 26, 2026. Williams’s own guest column to his community. The landlord-and-tenant framing and the January 2025 presentation to the Marshall County Board of Supervisors. John Locke, Second Treatise of Government [https://www.gutenberg.org/files/7370/7370-h/7370-h.htm]. 1689. Chapter V, particularly section 27: “Every man has a property in his own person.” The foundation of the property argument in Act II. John Stuart Mill, On Liberty [https://www.gutenberg.org/files/34901/34901-h/34901-h.htm]. 1859. The harm principle and the structural question of who has authority over the individual. Ecclesiastes 9:11–12 [https://www.biblegateway.com/passage/?search=Ecclesiastes+9%3A11-12&version=KJV], King James Version. The race, the battle, the bread, and the cruel net. Aaron Bolton and Arielle Zionts, Give and Take: Federal Rural Health Funding Could Trigger Service Cuts [https://kffhealthnews.org/news/article/rural-emergency-hospitals-montana-rightsize-downsize-services-transformation-fund/]. KFF Health News and Montana Public Radio, March 27, 2026. The Shane Chauvet story, the Big Sandy Medical Center, and the Rural Health Transformation Program's risk to rural hospitals. University of North Carolina Cecil G. Sheps Center for Health Services Research, Rural Hospital Closures [https://www.shepscenter.unc.edu/programs-projects/rural-health/rural-hospital-closures/]. The standard primary source for tracking rural hospital closures since 2005. Pocharapon Neammanee, AOC Responds To Assumptions Of 2028 Presidential Run [https://www.huffpost.com/entry/alexandria-ocasio-cortez-2028-presidential-run-ambition_n_69ff4c6fe4b06e786e3e9347]. HuffPost, May 9, 2026. Representative Ocasio-Cortez at the University of Chicago Institute of Politics in conversation with David Axelrod: “Presidents come and go, Senate, House seats, elected officials, come and go, but single-payer healthcare is forever.” Social Security Administration, The Corning Years: Medicare Is Enacted [https://www.ssa.gov/history/corningchap4.html]. The official history of the 1965 Social Security Amendments, including the bipartisan roll-call votes that created Medicare. Seventy House Republicans and thirteen Senate Republicans voted yes. Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War [https://www.gutenberg.org/files/7142/7142-h/7142-h.htm]. Book I, sections 89–93, and Book II, section 13. The Pentecontaetia and the construction of the Long Walls between Athens and Piraeus. Thomas Jefferson, First Inaugural Address [https://avalon.law.yale.edu/19th_century/jefinau1.asp]. March 4, 1801. “We are all Republicans, we are all Federalists.” The constitutional move that named this essay. Companion Pieces Americans’ Unalienable Right to Life [https://joelkdouglas.substack.com/p/americans-unalienable-right-to-life]. Healthcare as a component of the unalienable right to life. The Declaration, the Wyoming Constitution, and the right of the competent adult to decide. Should the American People Fund Cancer Research at Harvard? [https://joelkdouglas.substack.com/p/should-the-american-people-fund-cancer]. The same architectural critique extended to pharmaceutical pricing. Taxpayers fund the research, universities patent the discoveries, drug companies set the prices, and the constitutional test for public spending goes unanswered. The Price Is the Price: A Letter to Raging Moderates [https://joelkdouglas.substack.com/p/the-price-is-the-price]. The minimum wage essay. Lincoln, the Long Walls, and consensus as the precondition for structural reform. Get full access to I Believe at joelkdouglas.substack.com/subscribe [https://joelkdouglas.substack.com/subscribe?utm_medium=podcast&utm_campaign=CTA_4]

19. maj 202624 min