National Cannabis & Hemp Policy Insights - M4MM
By Eric FosterCo-Founder, The Change Maker Initiative and The Future – Today & Tomorrow Super PAC Every session, someone in the cannabis or hemp industry gets excited—believing this will be the moment Texas finally turns a corner. But every time, like Charlie Brown charging toward Lucy’s football, we fall flat. This year, that football was Texas House Bill 46 and Senate Bill 3. Let me say it plainly: Neither HB 46 nor the veto of SB 3 is a win for the cannabis or hemp industry. Both are symptoms of a broken political system. And until we change who writes the laws, we'll keep getting Lucy’d. 🧠 The “Victory” of HB 46 Is a Mirage Yes, HB 46 expands the Compassionate Use Program (TCUP). It adds new qualifying conditions like chronic pain, traumatic brain injury, and hospice-related illnesses. It raises the number of vertically integrated medical marijuana licenses from 3 to 15, introduces metered inhalers and nasal sprays, and allows regional satellite storage. But here’s the truth: * The program is still limited to low-THC oil (≤1%). * Smoking and high-potency formulations remain banned. * Licenses are vertically integrated, meaning only large, well-capitalized players can compete. * No equity provisions exist to ensure new market entrants are diverse or community-rooted. In short, HB 46’s “expansion” reaffirms a model that benefits a handful of operators and leaves behind the majority of patients, entrepreneurs, and underserved communities. As I said in my recent address, “It’s like Ford, GM, and Chrysler all over again. If you're not already scaled like the Big Three, you’re not getting in. You’re not becoming the next Studebaker.” 🔥 Abbott’s SB 3 Veto Is No Gift to Hemp On the other side, Governor Abbott’s veto of SB 3 has been framed by some in the hemp space as a “win.” It isn’t. The veto simply postponed the reckoning. SB 3, authored by Sen. Charles Perry and championed by Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick, sought to ban all hemp-derived products containing any cannabinoid other than CBD or CBG—including Delta-8, Delta-9, Delta-10, HHC, and THCA. Texas Policy Research [https://www.texaspolicyresearch.com/texas-senate-bill-3-dan-patricks-ban-on-all-thc-products/] described it as a “comprehensive prohibition” cloaked in consumer protection rhetoric. Abbott vetoed the bill not because he supports hemp freedom—but because, as he wrote, it was likely unconstitutional and legally unenforceable, citing the Arkansas case as a blueprint for its likely invalidation in federal court. But even in his veto message, Abbott doubled down on demonizing the hemp industry—citing a tragedy involving a 15-year-old in Houston [https://www.rev.com/transcripts/dan-patrick-press-conference-on-thc-bill-veto] as justification to crack down. His message ends not in support of the hemp sector, but with a call for a new, enforceable ban to come in the July special session. Let’s be clear: this was not a veto grounded in support for hemp-derived THC. It was a delay tactic meant to produce a bill that can survive litigation and still crush the market. 🧩 The Bigger Pattern: Culture War + Cartel Capitalism Both actions—HB 46’s passage and SB 3’s veto—fit into a broader pattern: * Hyper-regulated vertical licensing for a select few cannabis players. * Reactionary, fear-driven attacks on hemp-derived cannabinoids. * No meaningful support for small, Black, Latino, Indigenous, or veteran-owned businesses. Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick’s press conference [https://www.rev.com/transcripts/dan-patrick-press-conference-on-thc-bill-veto] made it abundantly clear that this is a culture war issue for Texas Republicans. They frame cannabinoids as poison, dispensaries as public threats, and business owners as bad actors. Patrick even accused Abbott’s veto of being a backdoor attempt to legalize marijuana. Meanwhile, Patrick’s proposed SB 3 framework [https://www.txccri.org/single-post/the-truth-about-hemp-senate-bill-3-senate-engrossed-version] mirrored alcohol laws: closed Sundays, regulated hours, and location bans near churches and schools. It would have devastated thousands of legal businesses, caused an estimated $19.27 million loss to state and local revenue [https://www.texaspolicyresearch.com/texas-senate-bill-3-dan-patricks-ban-on-all-thc-products/], and empowered corporate monopolization. 🛠 So What Now? Change Who Writes the Laws The cannabis and hemp industries can no longer afford to be politically passive or fragmented. For 20 years, we’ve spent on lobbyists, ballot campaigns, and friendly candidates—but without a unified strategy, we remain vulnerable. That’s why we launched the Change Maker Initiative. And that’s why this message matters: We must stop being Charlie Brown. Stop charging toward political promises from officials who’ve never let us kick the football. 🚨 Support the Change Maker Initiative To fix this system, we need a political reset. That means: * Electing pro-cannabis and pro-hemp champions at the state level. * Creating a cannabis industry voting bloc that turns out in primaries and general elections. * Building sustainable funding for year-round political pressure—not just reactive fire drills. 👉 Support the Change Maker Initiative: * 💰 Make a financial contribution [https://www.futurepac.today/changemaker/] * 🤝 Join as an organizational partner * 📢 Help spread the message online and in your community If we don’t change who writes the laws, nothing changes. Let’s kick the football for real this time. Thanks for reading! Subscribe for free to receive new posts and support my work. Thanks for reading! This post is public so feel free to share it. This is a public episode. 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