Who Speaks for the Refuges?

Who Speaks for the Refuges?

The Jamestown Corporation says transferring ownership of Dungeness National Wildlife Refuge and Protection Island into trust would strengthen stewardship while preserving the refuges for future generations. Recent public statements, however, have revealed details that deserve much closer scrutiny. Rather than settling the debate, they raise new questions about why the transfer is being pursued and what it could ultimately become. For months, the public has been told that transferring Dungeness National Wildlife Refuge and Protection Island into trust for the Jamestown Corporation would change very little. The refuges would remain protected. Wildlife would continue to come first. Public access would remain intact. Those assurances have been repeated often enough that many people have accepted them at face value. Then came two reports that deserve careful reading—Emily Hanson’s coverage in the Peninsula Daily News [https://www.peninsuladailynews.com/2026/06/25/jamestown-sklallam-tribe-makes-its-case-to-jefferson-commissioners/] and Al Bergstein’s reporting in Olympic Peninsula Environmental News [https://olyopen.com/2026/06/23/tribes-seek-ownership-of-national-wildlife-refuges-in-the-salish-sea/?amp=1]. Instead of putting concerns to rest, both stories revealed information that makes the proposal even more worthy of public debate. So... What’s the Real Reason? One passage from the Peninsula Daily News stood out immediately. According to Chairman Ron Allen, one reason the legislation is being pursued now is that the Tribe has an oyster operation within the refuge’s waters that has been inactive for roughly twelve years. The Tribe is attempting to have that operation recertified, but Allen said the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service has not been working with them to accomplish that. That explanation came as a surprise. For months, the conversation has centered on conservation, stewardship, cultural connections, and protecting one of Washington’s most important wildlife refuges. Hearing that an inactive oyster operation is part of the reason for pursuing federal legislation naturally raises another question: Is preserving the refuge really the primary motivation, or is a profitable commercial shellfish venture driving this proposal? Perhaps there is a perfectly reasonable explanation. If so, the public deserves to hear it. One Sentence Said a Lot Another statement from Chairman Allen may have revealed more than intended. “We have a vision that is more than the refuge.” Bingo. That single sentence captures exactly why many residents have become uneasy. Many people don’t want the refuge to become “more than the refuge.” Protection Island wasn’t preserved so future governments—tribal, state, or federal—could expand its purpose. It was protected because generations of citizens worked to preserve one of the Pacific Northwest’s most important seabird nesting habitats. Sometimes the best vision for a wildlife refuge is simply allowing it to remain a wildlife refuge. Ownership Matters Chairman Allen also assured commissioners that transferring ownership would not change the refuge’s purpose. “It stays in terms of its intended purpose.” No one has reason to doubt his sincerity. But ownership matters. If ownership didn’t matter, this legislation wouldn’t exist. The concern has never been whether today’s tribal leadership intends to preserve public access. The concern is whether future tribal governments would be legally required to do so. Leadership changes. Priorities change. Laws change. Promises made by one generation of elected officials do not automatically bind the next. Allen also remarked: “They don’t change the public’s right and public’s interest with regard to what we’re doing. But we have such a higher interest.” The Tribe says its members possess a deep cultural and historical connection to these lands. That deserves respect. But these refuges also belong to the American people. Public ownership is not a minor interest simply because another government believes its interest is greater. An Interesting Contrast Wildlife Refuge Manager Fawn Wagner highlighted several accomplishments since the Tribe became co-manager in 2024. By every account, the Tribe has done excellent work using federal funds to repair roads, expand wildlife monitoring, increase volunteer participation, remove invasive plants without pesticides, and improve scientific research. One example Wagner highlighted was the removal of invasive praying mantises from Protection Island. That made another point difficult to ignore. On one hand, invasive praying mantises are presented as an environmental threat requiring removal. On the other hand, one of the stated reasons for pursuing ownership of the refuge is to facilitate the recertification of a commercial oyster operation involving a species native to Asia, not the Pacific Northwest. Readers can decide for themselves whether those priorities are entirely consistent. Then Came the Bigger Story If the Peninsula Daily News article raised questions, Al Bergstein’s reporting [https://olyopen.com/2026/06/23/tribes-seek-ownership-of-national-wildlife-refuges-in-the-salish-sea/?amp=1] dramatically expanded the scope of the conversation. According to Bergstein, Chairman Allen told Jefferson County commissioners that this proposal is only part of a much larger effort involving tribes throughout Washington. Allen reportedly said the Makah Tribe is expected to pursue ownership of the three coastal wildlife refuges. Either the Lummi Nation or the Swinomish Tribe could seek the San Juan Islands National Wildlife Refuge. He also referenced similar efforts involving the Nisqually Tribe. If those statements accurately reflect the broader vision, then the discussion is no longer simply about Dungeness Spit and Protection Island. It becomes a conversation about the future ownership of Washington’s entire maritime refuge system. That system includes six National Wildlife Refuges: * Flattery Rocks * Quillayute Needles * Copalis * Dungeness * Protection Island * San Juan Islands Whether every one of those transfers eventually occurs is unknown. But if this proposal is intended to establish a precedent, the public deserves to understand that before Congress takes action. More Questions Than Answers Bergstein also notes that the Jamestown Tribe has been receiving approximately $800,000 to co-manage these refuges under its agreement with the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service. There appears to be broad agreement that the Tribe has performed that work exceptionally well. That raises another obvious question. If the existing co-management arrangement is succeeding, why replace it with a transfer of ownership? The draft legislation reportedly contains no legally binding provisions preventing future commercial aquaculture around Protection Island. Current tribal leaders have repeatedly stated they have no plans to pursue that. Those assurances may be entirely genuine. The question isn’t about today’s leadership. Legislation lasts much longer than elected officials. Finally, Bergstein reports that Chairman Allen said the Tribe had planned a larger public information campaign before “Congresswoman Randall asked us to kind of back off on it.” If that quote is accurate, another question naturally follows: Why? Was the concern that a broader public discussion might generate opposition during an election year? That’s a question Congresswoman Randall should answer. If transferring ownership is truly in the public’s best interest, broader public discussion should be welcomed—not discouraged. Before Congress considers legislation of this magnitude, the public deserves complete transparency, thorough debate, and the opportunity to ask difficult questions. Bergstein’s reporting contributes meaningfully to that discussion and is well worth reading in full [https://olyopen.com/2026/06/23/tribes-seek-ownership-of-national-wildlife-refuges-in-the-salish-sea/?amp=1]. “The nation behaves well if it treats the natural resources as assets which it must turn over to the next generation increased, and not impaired, in value.” — Theodore Roosevelt Today’s Tidbit: One Question, Two Very Different Answers At the recent Clallam County Democrats candidate forum, the moderator asked Commissioner Mike French and challenger Jake Seegers a simple question: Do you support transferring Dungeness National Wildlife Refuge and Protection Island into trust for the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe? The answers revealed two very different philosophies. Mike French said he isn’t opposed to the idea, but wants to see the legislation first. He said any transfer would need “guard rails” that explicitly protect public access, recreational opportunities, and environmental protections in federal law. He also called on Congresswoman Emily Randall and Washington’s senators to hold a public town hall so residents can ask questions before Congress acts. Jake Seegers took a firmer position. “I don’t support the transfer,” he said. “It’s the people’s land.” Seegers said he doesn’t believe any legislation can permanently guarantee future public access once ownership changes. While he acknowledged the Tribe has been a good steward of the refuge as a co-manager, he said that’s different from permanently transferring ownership of land that belongs to the American people. Whether you agree with French, Seegers, or neither, one thing should unite all of us: This conversation should happen in public. Congresswoman Emily Randall, Senator Patty Murray, and Senator Maria Cantwell should hold a public town hall on the Olympic Peninsula before Congress considers legislation that could permanently transfer ownership of two National Wildlife Refuges. If you believe the Clallam County Commissioners should take an official position, let them know. All three commissioners can be reached through the Clerk of the Board at loni.gores@clallamcountywa.gov. Public lands belong to the public. The public deserves a seat at the table before any decision is made. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.ccwatchdog.com [https://www.ccwatchdog.com?utm_medium=podcast&utm_campaign=CTA_1]

The $118,000 Parking Lot: How County Officials and NGOs Lock the Public Out of Taxpayer Spending

When a $118,000 county contract funds just three parking spaces, taxpayers deserve clear receipts. Instead, local leadership is hiding behind non-profit privacy walls, with the Homelessness Task Force officially adopting a policy of silence toward public inquiries. This investigation exposes how public money is quietly propping up private NGO payrolls, directly contradicting official claims that these services are being provided "for free." When public money is allocated to private, non-profit organizations, what level of accountability should the public expect? This question highlights an ideological distinction in the ongoing Clallam County commissioner race. At a recent debate hosted at Democratic Headquarters, challenger Jake Seegers and incumbent Mike French discussed public funding oversight. Incumbent Commissioner Mike French defended current practices, asserting that existing guardrails are more than sufficient. “I think all that transparency already exists,” French stated, explaining that county allocations rely on an “open request for proposals that’s scored openly” where all applications exist as public documents. When the county agreements are finalized, French noted that they carry a “detailed scope of work that says, ‘Here’s the work you’re going to do. Here’s what you’re going to get paid for.’” Challenger Jake Seegers pushed back, arguing for stricter, legally binding compliance requirements for outside groups. “Absolutely, I would [support new language],” Seegers countered. “If an NGO wants to take money from the county... they should have to disclose financial reports, and they should have to perform metrics.” Seegers argued that current county contracts fail to track actual success, stating, “We have a scope of work, but the scope of work never defines the outcome that we want... If you want the money, you need to show within each time increment, 1 year, 3 years, 5 years, that you are producing measurable results.” A Program Under Scrutiny A central example of this discussion is the Safe Parking Program operating at Trinity United Methodist Church in Sequim. Funded by Clallam County Homeless Funds, the contract allows for a maximum consideration of up to $118,780. The program is designed as a pilot initiative intended to provide secure parking spaces for three to five vehicles used by unhoused residents. Over the past few months, private citizens have sought detailed information regarding the program’s administration, cost breakdowns, and operational structure. However, these inquiries have faced roadblocks. OlyCAP (Olympic Community Action Programs) Director Viola Ware, who chairs the county committee responsible for recommending these funding allocations, has not responded to emailed inquiries regarding the program. Commissioner Mike French, who serves on the OlyCAP board—a position established through a county resolution [https://www.ccwatchdog.com/p/the-olycap-illusion-public-money?utm_source=publication-search] he helped draft and pass—has also not commented on the matter. Because private non-profits are subject to different disclosure rules than government entities, tracking the path of county funds once they are transferred can be exceptionally difficult for the public. Task Force Response and Public Comment Policy The challenge regarding public inquiry became a topic of discussion at this month’s Homelessness Task Force (HTF) meeting on June 2nd [https://clallamcowa.portal.civicclerk.com/event/246/media]. Mike Shonsey, a new member representing the Olympic Unitarian Universalist Fellowship Church, asked how the task force should address correspondence or presentations from the public. “Do we respond to them in any way, other than to say ‘Thank you for your response?'“ Christine Dunn of Clallam County Health and Human Services advised, “That’s really all you have to say… [it’s] not required of you.” Ware expanded on this guidance by reading a prepared statement during the meeting, noting that while public comment is essential, the board’s role is to receive feedback rather than enter into a dialogue. “While we are able to respond to public comment, this board’s role is not to engage in back-and-forth debate with public comment during meetings,” Ware stated, concluding, “In answer, we are not obligated to respond.” This policy has fueled frustration among residents trying to understand how the $118,780 contract was allocated, as the official descriptions of OlyCAP’s involvement appear to conflict with public records. Analyzing the Financial Records During a May Board of Commissioners’ meeting, Ware attempted to clarify [https://www.ccwatchdog.com/p/when-county-commissioners-fund-the?utm_source=publication-search] what she described as public misconceptions, stating that the safe parking setup “is not an OlyCAP program.” According to Ware, the program is managed by Trinity United Methodist Church, while OlyCAP simply partners with the church by providing limited evening, morning, and on-call staffing support, alongside case management services that she stated were provided “for free.” However, public records obtained through an engaged citizen’s public disclosure request indicate a more complex financial relationship. County contract documents and internal payroll records show that the program is tied directly to OlyCAP personnel expenses. Financial registers tracking Project 341 (the Safe Parking Pilot Program) under OlyCAP’s Housing Assistance department show that public funds cover direct hours, payroll taxes, and medical benefits for specific OlyCAP employees, such as Terry Strickland and Jacob Powell. The records also show billings for dedicated employee cell phone lines. While the program may be hosted by the church, public funds are directly supporting OlyCAP’s staffing infrastructure for the project. At the May 12 Board of County Commissioners meeting, Viola Ware told those in attendance, “The total funds are for two years of operation,” but added, “I can’t speak to where those go.” Ware also stated that the Safe Parking initiative is “not an OlyCAP program.” However, internal financial records obtained by an engaged citizen show that she personally approves payroll distributions charged to the Safe Parking Program, with the approving supervisor identified as “Vware1.” Program Operations and Future Outlook During the June HTF meeting, Joe Cress of Trinity United Methodist Church provided an update on the program’s operational outcomes. According to Cress, eight individuals have applied to the program since its launch, five have been approved, four have participated, and three are currently utilizing the site. Cress noted that initial participation was low due to high entry barriers, which originally required participants to hold a valid driver’s license, auto insurance, and vehicle title. To increase enrollment, the program adjusted its criteria, allowing individuals to enter the program while working toward obtaining those documents. Regarding expenditures, Cress reported that the church spent $9,837 last year and $1,796 so far this year on operations. These figures do not include over four thousand dollars allocated to upgrade security cameras after incidents involving outside disruptions, such as vehicles revving engines or individuals disturbing guests. When asked about the total annual cost to run the program, Cress could not provide an estimate, guessing it would be “significantly less” than the maximum grant allotment. He added that the church may seek additional funding in the future to build roofs over sanitation stations and to pay for guests’ vehicle repairs. The operational reality of the program highlights the core of the debate between the two commission candidates. For incumbent Mike French, the current model relies on established non-profit partnerships to address complex social issues through existing contract management. For challenger Jake Seegers, the lack of direct public answers and clear, outcome-based metrics points to a need for systematic reform in how Clallam County monitors taxpayer dollars. "The liberties of a people never were, nor ever will be, secure, when the transactions of their rulers may be concealed from them." — Patrick Henry Today’s Tidbit: Questions the Safe Parking Story Raises The Peninsula Daily News published a story [https://www.peninsuladailynews.com/2026/06/27/church-to-host-unhoused-parking/] this weekend about the Safe Parking Program temporarily relocating from Trinity United Methodist Church in Sequim to St. Andrew’s Episcopal Church in Port Angeles for four nights because fireworks and the LavenderStock Music Festival are expected to make the area too noisy for participants. That raises a few questions. Too noisy for four nights? The article explains that participants are being moved because Carrie Blake Park will be loud during the Fourth of July and LavenderStock. But people live around Carrie Blake Park every day of the year. They don’t get relocated because of fireworks or concerts. If the noise makes the location unsuitable for program participants, what does that say about the location chosen for the program in the first place? Just our friends and neighbors? The article also describes an impressive amount of infrastructure surrounding a program serving just a handful of participants. According to the story: * OlyCAP staff are on site every evening. * OlyCAP staff return every morning. * A staff member remains on call overnight. * Sequim Police drive by multiple times each night. * Staff and volunteers receive de-escalation training. * Church officials say they’ll do “all we can do” to ensure safety. Those precautions may be appropriate. But they also raise an obvious question. If the participants pose virtually no public safety concerns, why is this level of staffing, law enforcement attention, overnight availability, and de-escalation training necessary? “We’ve not really had any problems so far.” That one word stood out: “Really.” Either there have been problems, or there haven’t. If there have been minor incidents, what were they? If there have been none, why qualify the statement? 247 Guest Nights The article reports that the program accumulated 247 guest nights by the end of May. That’s not 247 different people. A “guest night” means one participant staying one night. For example, one person staying 30 nights equals 30 guest nights. Even so, it raises another question. The church says four participants have used the program. But how many successfully transitioned into permanent housing? How many left the program? Those numbers provide a much clearer picture than guest nights alone. “They’ve owned homes but don’t feel safe in them.” That’s an interesting statement. How many participants fit that description? Is it one? Two? All of them? Without numbers, it’s impossible to know whether that experience is typical or exceptional. “People will just be using it to sleep.” The stated purpose of the program is to provide a safe place to rest while participants work with case managers toward permanent housing. That naturally leads to another question. How much time are participants spending at the site, and what measurable outcomes have been achieved? The public has heard about applications, approvals, and guest nights. Less information has been provided about long-term outcomes. A Temporary Trial... or the Beginning? St. Andrew’s in Port Angeles emphasized that this is only a temporary arrangement and that no decision has been made about creating a permanent Safe Parking Program. But church leaders also acknowledged they are evaluating whether the program is a good fit. If it proves successful, the current discussion about four temporary nights may become a discussion about a permanent program in Port Angeles. That makes today’s questions worth asking now—not after permanent decisions have already been made. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.ccwatchdog.com [https://www.ccwatchdog.com?utm_medium=podcast&utm_campaign=CTA_1]

The Shotgun Sermon

A nearly two-year-old church video has suddenly resurfaced on social media, drawing sharp criticism and raising questions about County Commissioner candidate Jake Seegers’ character. Rather than ignore the controversy, Seegers sat down for a candid conversation about what he meant, what he wishes he had said differently, and why he believes context matters. Whether you agree with him or not, this is a conversation worth hearing. Over the past several days, a two-year-old video from a church gathering has spread rapidly across social media [https://www.reddit.com/r/portangeles/comments/1ufk4ye/seegers_shotgun_sermon/]. Some critics have been quick to draw conclusions. “This ‘independent’ sure does have his wagon firmly tied to MAGA ideology.” Others have gone further. “What a vile human being. So much hate in his so-called Christian love.” Rather than pretend the video doesn’t exist—or ask people to simply dismiss it—County Commissioner candidate Jake Seegers chose a different approach. He sat down for a podcast conversation to explain the context behind what has become known online as “The Shotgun Sermon.” The original remarks were delivered in October 2024, when Seegers was asked by his pastor to speak briefly to his congregation about the importance of voting before the presidential election. Listening back two years later, Seegers doesn’t claim every word came out perfectly. In fact, he admits some of it made him uncomfortable. “When I heard it the other day, I was like, ‘Ugh, that sounds aggressive, that sounds violent. That wasn’t my intention.’ The individuals in that room would have understood that.” He explains that the “shotgun” story was intended as a metaphor about taking civic responsibility seriously—not a call for violence. “That was a metaphor... I was trying to say, ‘You have free will. Stop just sitting on your hands... because you have the tools to make change. And that tool, one of those tools, is to vote.’” Perhaps more revealing than the explanation itself is the conversation that follows. Clallam County Watchdog publisher and Jake Seegers’ campaign manager, Jeff Tozzer—who openly acknowledges that he disagrees with Seegers on a number of religious and social issues—doesn’t let him off easy. Throughout the interview, Tozzer repeatedly challenges Seegers on how the remarks could be interpreted by people who don’t know him personally. Seegers doesn’t become defensive. Instead, he reflects on how words spoken to a room of people who knew him personally can sound very different when clipped and shared online with strangers two years later. Throughout the discussion, he repeatedly returns to the same theme: finding common ground. “I don’t care who you voted for. I don’t care what your religious background is. I don’t care who you love... I’m interested in what we have in common. I care about every single person in this county.” He also acknowledges that people will disagree with some of his deeply held personal beliefs. “If you don’t agree with me, that’s fine.” Whether listeners ultimately agree with his explanations is, of course, up to them. But in an era where short clips are often shared without context—and judgments are frequently made before full conversations are heard—there is value in taking twelve minutes to watch the original video [https://archive.org/details/clallam-commissioner-jake-seegers-in-jesus-name] and hear the discussion surrounding it. That’s exactly why this podcast episode was recorded. Not to erase disagreement.Not to ask for blind trust.But to let people hear the entire conversation before deciding for themselves. The full podcast includes the complete 12-minute church audio, along with Seegers’ reflections nearly two years later. If you’ve seen the clips circulating online—or even if you haven’t—invest some time and hear the whole story before reaching a conclusion. "The opposition is trying to highlight our differences, and I'm trying to highlight our commonalities." — Jake Seegers Editor’s Note: CC Watchdog editor Jeff Tozzer also serves as campaign manager for Jake Seegers during his run for Clallam County Commissioner, District 3. Learn more at www.JakeSeegers.com [http://www.jakeseegers.com/]. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.ccwatchdog.com [https://www.ccwatchdog.com?utm_medium=podcast&utm_campaign=CTA_1]

Clallam County’s Response to Privacy Tort Claim Raises Bigger Questions About Surveillance and Accountability

How much should government be allowed to see from the sky? In this guest column, Clallam County Auditor candidate Virginia Shogren details her legal challenge to the County's use of EagleView technology—an aerial imaging system that combines high-resolution photography, 3D modeling, and AI-powered change detection. Shogren argues the program goes far beyond traditional property assessment and may conflict with Washington's strong constitutional privacy protections. The County disagrees, defending the technology as a modern version of an assessor's visual inspection. The dispute raises a larger question for residents: where is the line between efficient government and government surveillance? On February 6, 2026, I sat down with Chief Civil Deputy Prosecutor Dee Boughton and Clallam County Assessor Pam Rushton to discuss my concerns regarding the County’s on-going use of EagleView Technology for high-resolution aerial imagery, 3D modeling, and AI-enhanced surveillance tools across all of Clallam County. Mr. Boughton told me that he would discuss the issues with the Board of Commissioners in executive session and advise me of the County’s decision regarding the continued use of the system. I did not hear back. Accordingly, on April 21, 2026, I filed a Tort Claim at the County alleging that the County’s use of EagleView constitutes an ongoing violation of Article I, Section 7 of the Washington State Constitution. A tort claim is a formal notice that someone believes a government agency, business, or individual has caused them harm through a wrongful act and may be legally liable for damages or other relief. I also asserted the common-law tort of intrusion upon seclusion, citing widespread internal access to the technology. On June 4, 2026, outside counsel Emily Romanenko of Ogden Murphy Wallace, P.L.L.C. responded for the County. The County denied any constitutional violations. The County defended the program as a lawful property-assessment tool using imagery captured from approximately 1,500 feet — consistent, it says, with the Washington Supreme Court case of State v. Myrick, 102 Wn.2d 506 (1984). The County asserted that the surveillance is comparable to what a human assessor could observe with the naked eye at ground level. The County further claimed that access is restricted to the Assessor’s Office personnel only. Several aspects of this exchange stand out as concerning for Clallam County residents. The County appears comfortable defending a program of enhanced aerial surveillance that many residents experience as highly invasive The County frames the imagery as essentially the modern equivalent of an assessor driving by or walking on your property. Yet the underlying contract includes AI-powered change detection across multiple years, multi-angle (oblique + ortho) high-resolution imagery, and a platform explicitly built for up to 50 concurrent authorized users. In order to understand each side’s position, it is necessary to examine the key Washington cases on aerial surveillance and technological enhancement. The Legal Backbone: Why Myrick Does Not Control the EagleView Program in Clallam County At the heart of this dispute is Article I, Section 7 of the Washington State Constitution, which states: “No person shall be disturbed in his private affairs, or his home invaded, without authority of law.” Washington courts have long held that this provision provides broader privacy protection than the federal Fourth Amendment. My tort claim centers on two key Washington Supreme Court cases that define the limits of government aerial observation: * State v. Myrick, 102 Wn.2d 506 (1984): Police conducted aerial surveillance of open fields from 1,500 feet. The Court held this did not violate Article I §7 because it involved what could be seen by the “[u]naided eye from the lawful and nonintrusive altitude of 1,500 feet above ground level.” * State v. Young, 123 Wn.2d 173 (1994): Police used a thermal imaging (infrared) device to detect heat signatures coming from a home. The Court held this did violate Article I §7. The device was a “particularly intrusive method of viewing” that revealed information not obtainable through ordinary observation. Because it augmented human senses and exposed private details inside the home, it constituted a search requiring authority of law. My tort claim argues that Clallam County’s EagleView system — high-resolution multi-angle imagery combined with AI-enhanced analytics (including ChangeFinder for automated detection of structural changes over time) and a platform accessible to dozens of county employees — is far closer to the enhanced technology struck down in Young than the simple visual flyover at 1,500 feet approved in Myrick. What the County Relies On The County’s response letter relies primarily on: * State v. Myrick (the same 1984 case above), arguing that imagery captured from ~1,500 feet is not “enhanced” beyond what a human assessor could observe at ground level with the naked eye. * Statutory authority granted to county assessors (RCW 36.21.070, 84.40.020, and 84.41.041) plus International Association of Assessing Officers (IAAO) standards that permit the use of orthophoto and oblique aerial imagery for property assessment. * Factual assertions that the County purchased 3-inch pixel resolution imagery and that access is limited to Assessor’s Office personnel only. * Photo comparisons to claim the imagery is not more intrusive than traditional assessor methods. The County chose the image below, in particular, in order to make it appear as though the EagleView surveillance is not intrusive: I asked Grok (AI) to analyze the image because the contract allows for nominal 3-inch ground sample distance (GSD) ortho imagery, which means that each pixel corresponds to approximately 2 inches (about 5 cm) on the ground. This is what Grok had to say: The image displayed in Attachment A of the County’s June 4, 2026 response letter is misleading. It is not the native imagery while rather a compressed, downsampled screenshot taken from the web-based CONNECTExplorer viewer at its maximum allowed zoom level. This web interface significantly reduces image quality through compression and viewer limitations. The underlying contract provides for 3-inch Ground Sample Distance imagery, which in its actual form contains substantially more detail than what is shown in the letter. At this resolution, authorized users can clearly identify individual roof shingles, small pavement cracks, roof vents, HVAC units, and other structural details that are not visible in the compressed web viewer screenshot presented by the County. I then asked Grok to provide me with a sample 3-inch GSD image in order to see the actual level of surveillance of Clallam County properties, and here is an example that Grok provided (ironically sourced from EagleView’s own website): If the County were confident that the EagleView surveillance does not exceed ordinary ground-level naked-eye observation, it would have no need to rely on what appears to be a deliberately degraded web preview to make its case. Why Myrick Is Distinguishable Given the Specifics of Clallam County’s EagleView Contract The Washington Supreme Court case of State v. Myrick involved a one-time visual observation of fields using no technological enhancement beyond the human eye. EagleView is materially different: * AI-Powered Analytics Layer (ChangeFinder and Related Tools): The contract does not merely provide for pictures. It authorizes the use of AI-enhanced software that automatically compares imagery across years to detect structural changes, improvements, and other details. This enhanced technology reveals information that no human eye — or single naked-eye flyover — could obtain. This appears to be the exact type of sense-augmenting technology the Young Court found unconstitutional. * Broad Multi-User Access Platform (Contractually Authorized for Up to 50 Users): The EagleView contract explicitly includes “Pictometry Connect - CA - 50” and the “CONNECT Gov 50 Package,” which license access for up to 50 concurrent authorized users via web-based and server integration. Consistent with these contract terms, the County produced an EagleView user list showing wide access across multiple county departments: Yet the County now claims that access is “[r]estricted to authorized County Assessor personnel only.” This is how government protects itself—through taxpayer-funded outside counsel and risk management The County’s June 4 response was not written by in-house county staff or the Prosecuting Attorney’s Office. It came from Ogden Murphy Wallace, a Seattle law firm that appears to represent local governments in litigation and risk-management matters. The letter was copied to a senior risk analyst with the Washington Counties Risk Pool (WCRP). This is standard operating procedure: counties purchase risk-pool coverage or retain specialized defense counsel precisely to respond to claims like mine. The cost—attorney time, investigation, potential future litigation—is ultimately borne by County taxpayers. It is a reminder that when we raise concerns about government overreach, the government’s first institutional response is often a professionally drafted denial funded by the public. The public can still fight back — and should. Constitutional rights do not defend themselves. When our government deploys AI-enhanced aerial surveillance across every property in the county and then uses taxpayer-funded attorneys to insist it is no different from an assessor driving by, it falls to an informed and engaged public to draw the line. Article I, Section 7 was written to constrain power, not to be reinterpreted every time new technology makes intrusion easier and cheaper. If we treat these protections as optional or outdated, we will lose them — not in a single dramatic moment, but through quiet normalization. We still have the power to demand that our constitutional rights and our tax dollars be treated with the seriousness they deserve. That power only works if we use it. Virginia ShogrenCandidate for Clallam County Auditor961 W. Oak Court, Sequim WA 98382 “When citizens are constantly under the watchful eye of those in power, it creates an environment ripe for abuse and manipulation. . . The unlawfulness of such surveillance is not just a legal matter but a moral imperative to safeguard the very essence of individual freedom.” ― James William Steven Parker This article was prepared with research and drafting assistance from AI tools. All analysis, opinions, and final content are the author’s own. Virginia Shogren is running for Clallam County Auditor to restore trust in our elections and ensure our tax dollars are spent wisely. Virginia believes in simple, honest government that works for the people—not special interests. She seeks accountability, lower costs, and real oversight of our elections and our money. Today’s Tidbit: The Price of Surveillance Clallam County’s investment in EagleView extends well beyond aerial imagery. According to EagleView’s pricing documents, the company offers numerous optional add-ons. One example is FutureView Advanced Training, a conference package costing $2,499 per attendee that includes three nights of hotel accommodations and round-trip airfare. The pricing list also outlines three project options totaling more than $446,000—a significant investment for a county facing recurring budget deficits and employee layoffs. Earlier this month, the Clallam County Board of Commissioners approved another payment to EagleView totaling $84,168.27. Want to learn more about EagleView’s AI-enhanced aerial surveillance technology and how it could be used in Clallam County? Read Jake Seegers’ article here [https://www.ccwatchdog.com/p/big-brothers-in-the-sky?utm_source=publication-search]. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.ccwatchdog.com [https://www.ccwatchdog.com?utm_medium=podcast&utm_campaign=CTA_1]

Everything Is About Race—Until It Isn't

Race has become a recurring theme in local politics—from school board disputes and county appointments to public health resolutions and campaign rhetoric. But as accusations of racism multiply, many residents are beginning to ask whether everyone is being held to the same standard. Last week, the Port Angeles School Board voted to censure fellow board member Nancy Hamilton. Every board member except Hamilton voted in favor of the resolution, which accused her of making antagonistic and inaccurate statements about the superintendent and improperly disclosing information discussed in executive session. Hamilton viewed the situation differently. “As I am the only Native American on this Board,” she said, “it is hard to see this attack as anything other than an attempt to silence minority voices on the Board.” The issue quickly expanded beyond the specific allegations contained in the censure resolution. Supporters framed the action as part of a broader discussion about race and representation. Among them was Port Angeles Deputy Mayor Navarra Carr, who also serves as Mike French’s campaign manager. Carr circulated an email urging residents to oppose the censure and stating that it was difficult not to see “racist undertones” in the board’s actions. Whether one agrees with Hamilton or the rest of the board is almost beside the point. What matters is how quickly questions of race became central to the discussion. That has become a familiar pattern on the Olympic Peninsula. Racism as a Public Health Emergency The modern era of local government’s focus on race arguably began in 2020. That October, the Jefferson County Board of Health adopted Resolution 65-20 [https://www.co.jefferson.wa.us/DocumentCenter/View/10539/Racism-Resolution-40-as-presented-at-091720-Bd-of-Health-Mtg?utm_source=chatgpt.com] declaring racism a public health crisis. The resolution described racism as both an acute and chronic threat to public health and committed the county to examining policies through a racial equity lens. The resolution stated that racism contributes to inequities in housing, education, employment, criminal justice, and health outcomes. It further pledged support for efforts aimed at identifying and eliminating systemic barriers faced by racial minorities. At the time, supporters argued that the declaration was a necessary acknowledgment of historical and contemporary disparities. Critics questioned whether broad social and political issues were being transformed into public health matters. Regardless of where one stood on the resolution, it signaled a significant shift. Race was no longer simply one issue among many. It was becoming a framework through which local government would increasingly evaluate public policy. Calling Out Racism The Jefferson County Board of Health was not alone in making race a central public issue in 2020. Many local elected officials were speaking openly about racism, institutional bias, and the need to confront prejudice wherever it appeared. Clallam County Commissioner Mark Ozias wrote that following a George Floyd vigil, he wanted to engage fellow elected officials and community members in a dialogue about institutional racism in Clallam County. He acknowledged that he did not see overt racism in county government but argued that institutional problems can be difficult for those inside the system to recognize. Commissioner Mike French was equally outspoken. In one June 2020 post, French condemned what he described as racial profiling and harassment, writing that community leaders should have the courage to denounce such behavior. In another, he criticized those who downplayed racism, saying that people who insisted Americans should simply “get over it” were missing the point. Days later, he warned against those spreading what he viewed as racist rhetoric and conspiracy theories. Whether one agrees with those statements is not particularly important. What is important is that both officials established a clear principle: racism should be confronted, called out, and challenged. Silence was not an acceptable response. That principle seems reasonable enough. The question is whether it has been applied consistently. The Rise of Identity Politics That same year, Port Angeles became the site of another debate centered on race and representation. In September 2020, the Port Angeles City Council voted [https://www.peninsuladailynews.com/2020/09/17/port-angeles-city-council-to-diversify-board/] to restructure the Public Safety Advisory Board. The discussion was driven largely by concerns that the board was entirely white. The adopted ordinance added seats for tribal representatives and individuals with experience related to homelessness or substance use disorders. Councilmembers Mike French, Navarra Carr, LaTrisha Suggs, and Kate Dexter supported the measure. The debate was notable because it focused less on expertise and more on identity. Supporters argued that a board’s effectiveness depended in part on who was represented around the table. The argument reflected a broader trend in American politics. Increasingly, public institutions were being encouraged to view people not primarily as individuals but as members of demographic groups whose perspectives were presumed to flow from their ancestry, ethnicity, or lived experience. That philosophy continues to shape public discussions today. The Rawls Question At last week’s commissioner debate, incumbent Commissioner Mike French referenced political philosopher John Rawls while discussing fairness and privilege. “This is, I think, very classic John Rawls philosophy,” French said. “If you were to be reborn and had to reroll the dice, would you do it? I’m a white man in modern America that has had a very blessed life.” French was referring to Rawls’ famous “veil of ignorance” thought experiment. Rawls argued that a just society would be designed by people who did not know what position they themselves would occupy within it. The idea was intended to encourage fairness and empathy. It is a thoughtful exercise. Most people would agree that society should seek to reduce unnecessary barriers and create opportunities for success. The challenge comes when discussions about fairness become inseparable from discussions about race. Life does not divide neatly along racial lines. There are wealthy people and poor people in every racial group. There are people born into privilege who squander opportunities and people born into difficult circumstances who overcome extraordinary obstacles. Some of the most successful people in Clallam County are tribal citizens. Some non-tribal families struggle every day to make ends meet. Human experience is more complicated than demographic categories. Reducing individuals to racial identities may simplify political conversations, but it rarely reflects reality. The Double Standard Problem If racism is truly a problem that must be confronted wherever it appears, then the standard should apply consistently. Yet many residents have noticed that consistency often disappears when the target changes. Where, for example, were the public condemnations when Paula Allen wrote on social media [https://www.ccwatchdog.com/p/paula-allen-white-people-are-a-problem?utm_source=publication-search] that white people were a problem and that she was embarrassed to live among them? Where were the statements from elected officials denouncing those comments? Where were the calls for accountability? Similarly, county commissioners were made aware of comments attributed to Rae Hesselbach stating that “the wealthiest white men are a greater threat to safety than the unhoused.” Despite the controversy, commissioners unanimously appointed her to the Developmental Disabilities Advisory Board. No public statements followed. No emergency discussions were held. No resolutions were drafted. Many residents cannot help but notice the contrast. Had similar remarks been directed toward Native Americans, Black residents, or any other minority group, there is little doubt that local officials would have responded swiftly and publicly. That discrepancy undermines confidence in the principle itself. When standards are applied selectively, people begin to suspect that the issue is not racism but politics. Beyond Race None of this is an argument that racism does not exist. It does. But the constant emphasis on race as the primary lens through which society should view itself has produced diminishing returns. Instead of bringing people together, it often encourages them to view one another as competing groups with competing grievances. That is a troubling direction for a country founded on the idea that individuals possess equal rights regardless of ancestry. Two hundred and fifty years into the American experiment, Americans should be moving toward a society that judges people based on character, conduct, and contribution rather than racial categories. Public officials should be encouraging that vision, not reinforcing divisions that many citizens are trying to move beyond. The United States remains exactly that: United States. At least it should be. Too often, modern politics seems determined to remind us of what separates us while overlooking everything we still share. "Racism is not dead, but it is on life support—kept alive by politicians, race hustlers, and people who get a sense of superiority by denouncing others as racists." — Thomas Sowell Today’s Tidbit: Broadband Funding for Some, Taxes From All The Washington State Department of Commerce is promoting nearly $790 million in new federal broadband funding opportunities available exclusively to tribal and Native entities. The grants, administered by the National Telecommunications and Information Administration (NTIA), are intended to expand broadband access, infrastructure, and digital connectivity on tribal lands. No one disputes the importance of broadband access. In today’s economy, reliable internet service is as essential as electricity and roads. What makes these programs noteworthy is who pays for them and who can receive them. The funding comes from federal tax dollars collected from all Americans. White taxpayers pay into the system. Black taxpayers pay into the system. Hispanic taxpayers pay into the system. Tribal citizens pay into the system. Yet eligibility for these particular grants is determined by ancestry and political status, not financial need. That raises an uncomfortable question. If a federally funded program were available only to white communities, would anyone hesitate to call it discriminatory? If not, why is it different when the beneficiaries are tribal governments? Supporters argue that tribes occupy a unique legal status recognized by treaties and federal law. Critics argue that taxpayer-funded programs should be available based on need, geography, or income rather than race or ancestry. Reasonable people can disagree on the answer. But they should at least be allowed to ask the question. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.ccwatchdog.com [https://www.ccwatchdog.com?utm_medium=podcast&utm_campaign=CTA_1]