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Manifold

Podcast af Steve Hsu & Corey Washington

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Historie & religion

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man·i·fold /ˈmanəˌfōld/ many and various.

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episode Warren Hatch on Seeing the Future in the Era of COVID-19 – #50 cover

Warren Hatch on Seeing the Future in the Era of COVID-19 – #50

Steve and Corey talk to Warren Hatch, President and CEO of Good Judgment Inc. Warren explains what makes someone a good forecaster and how the ability to integrate and assess information allows cognitively diverse teams to outperform prediction markets. The hosts express skepticism about whether the incentives at work in large organizations would encourage the adoption of approaches that might lead to better forecasts. Warren describes the increasing depth of human-computer collaboration in forecasting. Steve poses the long-standing problem of assessing alpha in finance and Warren suggests that the emerging alpha-brier metric, linking process and outcome, might shed light on the issue. The episode ends with Warren describing Good Judgment’s open invitation to self-identified experts to join a new COVID forecasting platform. RESOURCES * Transcript [https://manifoldlearning.com/episode-050#transcript] * Good Judgment Inc [https://goodjudgment.com/] * Good Judgment Open [https://www.gjopen.com/] * Superforecasting: The Art and Science of Prediction [https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/23995360-superforecasting] * Noriel Roubini [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nouriel_Roubini](Wikipedia) TRANSCRIPT Friends of Manifold: Please be aware that this transcript was generated by an automated process. The machine sometimes confuses speakers, among other things. Please email manifld@msu.edu [manifld@msu.edu] if you notice any corrections that need to be made.Corey: Our guest today is Warren Hatch, President and CEO of Good Judgment Inc. Good Judgment is a pioneering firm in the field of political, economic, financial, and now, public health forecasting. Previously, Warren was a portfolio manager at Morgan Stanley, later a principal at Catalpa Capital/McAlinden Research. He has a Dphil in Politics from Oxford, an MA in Russian and International Policy Studies from Middlebury Institute of International Studies. Warren has a BA in History from the University of Utah. He’s a licensed CFA. Welcome to Manifold, Warren. Warren: Thank you, Corey. How are you today? Corey: I’m doing all right. It’s been five years since the publication of Philip Tetlock’s book, Superforecasting, and 15 years since the publication of Tetlock’s book, Expert Political Judgment, two books that sparked what I call the forecasting revolution. So, I would like to get in to what’s been happening since those books were published and your leading role in developing the commercial arm of the project. Warren: Okay. Yeah. Going back to the meso-time. So, Good Judgment Project was a research initiative led by Professors Philip Tetlock and Barbara Mellers, who were at the University of California Berkeley and then moved to University of Pennsylvania in Wharton during the research project. So, both universities were involved in the research project for that team. They were one of several teams in a tournament sponsored by the US government, the US intelligence agencies. Warren: What they wanted to find out, the US government, was is there a way to improve on the wisdom of the crowd when we’re thinking about uncertain events. They launched this research project at the time when they were doing some soul-searching about some policy and intelligence forecast that they had made that did not show them at their best, weapons of mass destruction, 9/11. Those are pretty significant intelligence failures, and they wanted to learn from that. Corey: So, Warren, I just want to stop for a second because I think this is worth emphasizing, right? People do worry about whether the US government really took seriously the failures of those two serious intelligence debacles. This whole project came out of the recognition that something went seriously wrong and need to be improved. Is that a proper statement? Warren: Well, I wouldn’t want to speak for them and what their motivators were, but it is clear that they were doing some soul-searching and they were looking genuinely for ways to improve their forecasting skills. It was an open question, “Can you do better than the wisdom of the crowd approach to get accurate forecast?” because it does work. We see it in many places. There’s a long literature on wisdom of the crowd. You see it in Who Wants to be a Millionaire. Always ask the crowd, don’t phone a friend. We’ve seen it in other spheres as well. Warren: So, it became a testable proposition, “Can you do better?” They sponsored a research, the US government, that’s very speculative in nature. They genuinely did not have a preconceived notion of whether something useful would come out. Indeed, for the other research teams, they failed to reach the goal set by the US government to improve on the accuracy of the wisdom of the crowd. Some did and came close in the first year, but by the second year, none of them had. Warren: So, what the US government did was they said, “Okay. Team Good Judgment is clearly onto something. Let’s consolidate resources there.” What was that something? The something was to take a very empirical evidence-based approach. Steve: Sorry. Could we describe the mechanics of the term because I think our listeners maybe aren’t even aware of what a prediction market or a prediction forecasting tournament is like, which is just the basic mechanics, which I think you’re saying Good Judgment won? Warren: Okay. So, the tournament that US government sponsored invited a number of teams affiliated with the universities and other organizations in the private sector to come up with ways to improve on the wisdom of the crowd. They were free to deploy any tools or techniques that they thought would work, and they’re required to do is at the end of every day deliver a forecast on each of the open questions that were set to the different tournament institutions. So, they’re all forecasting on the same questions, “Who will win this election? Will there be an outbreak of violence in the South China Sea?” these sorts of things on a certain date. That was the one requirement was every day, submit a forecast. Warren: Some teams thought that prediction markets were the way to figure it out. Other teams have different ideas. What team Good Judgment did was tried them all. They tried an individual condition where if you’re a forecaster, you’d get the question and you’d be left to your own devices to come up with a probability estimate. You would not be able to compare your forecast with others. You would not be able to compare your rationale with others. So, that was one research condition. That was a tough one. Some really smart people came out, but the thing is that that research condition was inferior to the others, two other main ones. Warren: Next one is prediction markets. That’s where if you have a view about an event, you can go and bid on it. So, if, say, the US election outcomes is trading at 60 cents on the dollar in favor of the Republican and you think the Republican is going to win and that that’s a low price, you’ll buy it. If you’re corrupt at the end of the period, you’ll get a dollar if it occurs, and if it doesn’t, you’ll lose it all and go to zero. That’s the way prediction markets work. Warren: They also allow you to trade during the time that the question is open. So, if, for instance, I see that 60 cents and I think that the crowd and the prediction market has, for some reason, overreacted one way or another in this event, I may bid against it. Quite distinct from what my own prediction is about the election outcome, if I think the crowd at this moment in time is mispricing it, I’ll go trade against it and make some money on it. Warren: So, in that case, my incentive is to retain any information I have and not share it. In fact, I might even be inclined to share disinformation if I think it will help my position. We see this on prediction markets. Warren: The third version, which I think is where the magic really happens, it’s not what I think, it’s what we know, it’s in the data, is to have teams, teams of forecasters working together and collaboratively. In this case, the output is not my individual forecast, it’s a team-based forecast. I’ll have my own, to be sure, so I want to beat my team members, but, really, my team, we want to beat all the other teams, right? We want to be more accurate. Warren: So, now, the incentive is to share information. This is really an important feature, especially if you have a team with cognitive diversity. We’re all coming at it with different pieces of information or consider a forecast question as a mosaic, and we need to fill out the mosaic with our forecast. If we each have different tiles to contribute to the mosaic, that does a few things. Warren: It means if I have a tile, you don’t need to contribute it, it’s already there, and vice-versa. So, we accelerate the process by sharing information, pulling our limited information. Also, if we have different perspectives, that means you may be bringing a tile to the mosaic that would never occur to me. So, I’m benefiting from that cognitive diversity and accelerating the learning process for us all. It turns out that that’s a great way to generate accurate insights. Corey: So, on the one hand, you’re arguing that the real power of the approach is combining forecasting into teams and sharing information, but at the same time, you recognize a certain people recognize as superforecasters on their own. So, how do people distinguish themselves if they’re sharing information with others in a team? It seems like it’s pretty to copy somebody else. Was there a case in which the studies ran people individually and they got superforecaster status by themselves or were they always parts of teams when they became superforecasters and would always take advantage of information that was out there, essentially in the small public that was on the platform? Warren: Sure. So, the superforecasters in the research phase came from all the different research conditions, and including individuals when they’re just working completely on their own. There are some very talented superforecasters who came out of that condition. You could see that by their individual scoring on these forecast questions. So, there were some in that individual condition who definitely did better than the rest in that individual condition. That’s how they identified the superforecasters. There are some people who were just consistently better than the rest. Warren: So, for the individual conditions, there were some who were consistently better than the rest in that condition, but they had their hand tied behind their back. They underperformed, the general forecasters, as well as the future superforecasters, in the other research conditions, where that same dynamic started to show up in the research. Warren: So, that became a new research question. It wasn’t part of the original design. They go, “Wow. What would happen if we identified the best of the best, and then put them together on elite teams? Would they revert to the mean. There were many who thought that would occur or would they continue to get better by being around similarly motivated individuals, and it turned out to be the latter. The superforecasters who were put on that first team in year two continued to get better, and they did the same thing in the following year, and observed that that first cohort continued to do better than the new cohort, all the way through. Warren: So, it’s a process that as individuals and as teams, we can continue to get better by constantly getting feedback from the forecast questions that are posed. Now, you raised a good question, though. Well, maybe the easy thing to do is, to be a superforecaster, is just to forecast the medium, whether it’s on Good Judgment open with the overall crowd or when joining a superforecasting team just to do the team. You’re absolutely right. Superforecasters themselves are pretty smart and will detect people who are doing that pretty quickly. Warren: Really, the superforecasters themselves, once they get to that point, if really all they wanted to do was cheat the system a bit, they would have dropped that a long time ago because the motivation really is largely the challenge of getting better being out on the scientific frontier to improve forecasting and learn new things. If you’re a free rider, you’ll get bored pretty quickly and drop away. To be honest, it’s not a problem we’ve observed to be material. Steve: I think, Corey, you could detect value add per individual, so deviation from median forecast. So, someone who’s just doing the median forecast is not adding value relatively because occasionally, somebody who’s really got an independent way of getting to their forecast will occasionally produce some deviant forecast, which turns out to be correct, right? To what extent did the government actually incorporate these learnings from the original project into what is actually happening at DNI or CIA or NSA, places like that? Warren: That’s a good question, but first on having people deviate from the median on a forecasting team, that’s really important to be able to have space for people to express their own view, especially when it deviates from the median because this is one of the protections against group think and other risks like that from having a group is allowing people to challenge what might be consensus thinking, and by using the median, in particular, you make space for people to do that. Just a simple choice of a mean versus a median is quite consequential here. If you use the median, people who deviate widely from the group will move the group’s forecast, and the rest of the group might resent it a little bit, but by using the median, it protects the space for people to have different views and express them. Warren: If they are right, we’ll learn from that, and next time on a question like that, we’re going to pay more attention to them and vice-versa. If over time somebody is pretty far out there and they’re consistently not doing well, well, the rest of the team will pay less attention. It’s also going to show up in their scores. So, they’ll take that feedback on themselves and begin to self-correct. That’s one of the wonderful things about getting good and accurate scores. Corey: I don’t want to get too technical here, but the basic metric you use for assessing forecasting accuracy is the Brier score, essentially, square deviation from reality. So, forecaster forecasts that there’s a 70% chance it will rain tomorrow and let’s call raining a one, not raining, a zero. If the rains drop at 0.3, you square it, it’s 0.9. That’s the Brier score, right? That divides X into two components, calibration and discrimination. I think discrimination captures your willingness essentially, too, as we go all in. Corey: Our listeners are pretty sophisticated, so I think they can capture the fact there are multiple dimensions to it, but am I right in thinking that you look for people both are willing to essentially not just track the mean prediction and often forecast it to do very well? You got to make pretty extreme forecasts if you think something is highly likely. Warren: Right. Yeah. So, the two terms that the researchers have used to capture the two drivers is calibration and resolution. Calibration is like what we see with good weather forecasters, right? So, if they say there’s a 70% chance of rain next week, and they do that over 10 weeks, what are we going to find out at the end of each week? Their 70% forecast align 70% of the time with what the weather actually did, and three times not. So, in that sense, we’re looking if we’re well-calibrated for things to happen at the frequency in which their forecast and not to happen at the frequency where they’re not forecast. That’s very important, and it becomes a problem, too. It’s a challenge out in the world because if I say 70% chance of rain and it’s sunny, well, you are wrong. I shouldn’t pay attention to you. Warren: That’s what we’ve seen with some of the higher profile questions, too, with Trump and with Brexit where superforecasters and others, too, like Nate Silver, FiveThirtyEight, were fairly moderate in the forecast, but still said in the last election the Democrat would win, and the Republican won. So, you’re wrong, and it was very much the same 70% and 30% split. So, that’s the calibration, though. If you’re well-calibrated, you should expect those events to occur at the frequency in which their forecast. Warren: Resolution takes it another step. That is when you are justifiably decisive in your forecast, you will move to more extremes in your forecast. So, what’s a one way to think about that? Well, regular forecasters tend to stay close to the 50% line. They might move a little up, and they might move a little down, but roughly, during the length of questions being open for regular forecasts, and these are good, and they’re on Good Judgment open and the like and getting a lot of good feedback, but about half their forecasts will tend to be between 35% and 65%, right? So, close to the 50 hard line. Warren: Superforecasters don’t like to stay on the 50/50 line. They want to get to the right direction of a forecast question as quickly as possible. So, half of their forecasts are between 15 and 85, which means the other half are below 15 and above 85. So, they’re showing great conviction in their forecasts while retaining their calibration. This is the important part. The forecasting activity that they’re making in the tail distribution, they’re retaining their calibration. Warren: So, what does that mean? What that means is by getting there earlier, they’re getting an accurate forecast well and advanced of the rest of the crowd. What the research showed was that the superforecasters will get to that accurate forecast of, say, 90% on some of them 300 days before the rest of the crowd. So, it’s that time advantage. That’s the real payoff. That’s what shows up in having better resolution while retaining calibration. It’s what you get from doing a lot of forecasting and getting a lot of feedback, and learning a lot from your own accuracy and how to improve it. Does that help? Corey: Absolutely. Steve: The part of my question that we didn’t get to is to what extent the government has actually incorporated the fruit of this project that they sponsor? Warren: Sure. Well, that’s a good question. I wish I knew the answer myself. We do know that these are ideas, and tools, and techniques that work. We do know that some parts of the US government find value in it and are incorporating these lessons and these tools. They don’t really tell us where and by how much. That’s something we don’t know about. We do know that they’re there. Warren: We do know that other areas of the US government, as well as governments overseas are finding value in these approaches and putting them into their own decision making systems, making a part of the training for their staff at the government level and the national level, at the state and local level. We also know this is a case overseas, especially the United Kingdom. They’ve been quite ahead on these sorts of things, and other governments, too, Finland, the UAE, and others, too. So, it’s been really exciting from that point of view. Warren: To answer your question, how much are the US intelligence agencies using the tools that they’re funding helped to define and refine, we don’t know. Steve: So, one of the reasons I asked is that I have an old friend named Robin Hanson. Probably you’re familiar with that name. So, I’ve known him about 20 years now. When I first met him, he was actually working on the mathematics of prediction markets. So, he has, I think, some well-known papers on this on exactly what the right way to set up a market such that prices properly reflect collective probability, judgments, et cetera, et cetera. Incentives are the right way to surface thoughts and insights and things like this. Steve: So, he worked on this for a long time, but then when I saw him not that long ago, I would say within probably a few years ago, and I could be misremembering what he told me, but this is my recollection is that he was somewhat dispirited about this because he said, “Well, in the various experiments that I’ve participated in,” and I don’t know how much overlap there is between what he did and what the Tetlock group was doing. Maybe it’s the same thing or maybe it’s different stuff, but he definitely had done some stuff for some corporate entities, as well as government. Steve: He said that he ended up in a very cynical position where he just said, “Yeah. These things actually work. These mechanisms actually work for getting better predictions, but the leadership, the powers that be don’t have the proper incentives to adopt them. Hence, they generally are not adopted even though they work.” So, that was my last data point on this question from him. So, that’s why I was asking you if maybe you had an alternative view on it. Warren: Yeah. Yeah. You’re right. There’s a lot of individuals and organizations involved on the research side of these things, and we’re all, in a certain sense, fellow travelers there. Just as far as prediction markets versus teams go, prediction markets are a great way to aggregate the wisdom of the crowd. It’s just that in many cases, two base forecasting is even better, but it really depends on what you’re trying to do and the resources you wanted to ploy to be able to do it. If it’s a short-term horizon, prediction markets are great. Steve: Yeah. I should have clarified that. My conversation with him was not about the difference between whether predictions markets are better or some team-based forecasting or teams competing against teams, but just whether superior mechanisms for generating better predictions, which involve groups of people are being adopted in places where it can really help. His take was the cynical take, which is that it’s been shown to work, but for institutional reasons or incentives for powerful people. They’re just not adopted very widely. He’d given up that area of research. Steve: One comment I want to make is that this COVID thing is an example of the hugest possible disaster because pretty obvious, what was happening in East Asia and then also even in Italy, meanwhile, the US government including its intelligence services, which presumably have a biowarfare detection function, right? They’re supposed to be able to detect biowarfare. How could they not detect a pandemic? Steve: So, it seems like it doesn’t … I don’t see any evidence for good, maybe in South Korea or Taiwan or places like this, but in the US and the UK I don’t see any evidence for good information processing of this stuff for high level decisions. I’m curious what you think about it. Warren: I have a different perspective, I think. I am deeply cynical without a doubt, but I see promise, and I recognize that this is new, which makes it difficult to persuade people that it’s worthwhile. It can be complex and complicated, which creates another hurdle. It also can be hard to connect the decisions, right? So, why should I pay attention to this? How is it going to make me make better decisions? Warren: Then there’s also what I thought of as the Broadway problem, and that is if you’re so good, why aren’t you on Broadway? The version of that here is, “Well, if this is so good, why isn’t everybody already doing it?” Those are multiple veto points for people to say, “Let’s not do this.” It makes really tough to get something new potentially complicated, potentially threatening to status quo hierarchies, although that may not be the case, and also to request that resources be diverted from something else to something new, but it’s happening. Warren: In the very largest organizations, it’s going to be tougher without a doubt, and we see that, I think, in some of the lack of uptake that Hanson was saying, but it is being taken up, and I don’t want to speak for other governments. They’ll speak for themselves, for sure, but I think as the months and quarters unfold, we’re going to see recognition of the value broaden, and I think we’ll also see that occur more in the private sector because there’s been a lot of adoption there, especially in finance, but also in energy, also in pharma, wherever there’s a lot of uncertainty that can be easily quantified to make a better decision that that it’s. Warren: You’re right that COVID has become a case study, a real world case study where existing methodologies of coming up with forecasts can be improved upon with these other new tools. That recognition is really accelerated in the last, certainly the last eight weeks or so and continue to see that now. Corey: So, Warren, I want to hop in to your COVID work, but Steve, probably in response to your question, I think it’s pretty well-known that the US intelligence agency was quite aware of the power of these techniques earlier on. I think this is an issue discussed in superforecasting, but there was a CIA study done where CIA agents were answering the same questions that were accessible to the public on Good Judgment Open, and I believe it was Michael Gerson at the Washington Post who leaked the result of the CIA study, correct me if I’m wrong, Warren, but I think the finding was that superforecasters then defined as the top 2% of people on Good Judgment Open outperform CIA agents by 30% accuracy even though they had no access to the vast trove of class by materials and all this internal information the CIA agents had. Corey: So, they knew by, I think, by around 2014 that this was an extremely useful device. So, do you view this unlike many other federal agency that it does fund very risky projects? So, they were aware, but it’s an interesting question, Steve, is to whether they did anything with this knowledge knowing that this approach was better than their in-house analysts. Steve: Right. I mean, just to be clear, I’m just relating and, again, I could be getting it wrong, so apologies to Robin if I’m getting wrong what he told, but I’m just relaying his observation, which I think is consistent with what both of you guys are saying, which is that this, if I view this as a technology, this thing actually works, and it’s been demonstrated to work. The question is just adoption by the most powerful people who really make the decision seems to be less than what one would hope for. That’s all I’m saying. Steve: I’m on the side of promoting this kind of stuff as being good. Everyone should work on their own calibration and estimates of their accuracy and precision, whatever it is, but the question is whether … We can get into this in more detail. If you maybe are not that clever or not very familiar with the little bit of math, you just don’t feel comfortable with using this as a way to supersede your own gut instinct, which got you so far in life, right? Steve: I can imagine lots of reasons why the really powerful people want to retain their freedom to make their own decisions even in the face of a better forecasting technology, but I hope that- Corey: Do you think the desire- Steve: Go ahead. Corey: Do you think the desire to make money will be successful and override this kind of … or does it matter? Steve: This is where Robin’s issue of incentives comes in. So, if you’re writing a hedge fund and you’re measured very well on returns, yeah, you do have a very strong incentive to get things right. If you’re running a country, it’s not so clear or running an intelligence service or whatever it is. So, I mean, if they’re not measured well, maybe they don’t have the right incentive to actually implement something like this. Warren: Well, it is something that is diffusing, the approach and others that are related to it. So, to think probabilistically and to rely on the wisdom of the crowd to better quantify uncertainty, it’s a space that has been sparsely populated. So, on the one hand, you’ve got the hard quantitative types, the big data, purely data driven, right? So, if it’s a mind model, it needs to have numbers in it. Then on the other side, you’ve got people who are much more subjective about the way they think about things. Warren: In the real world, there isn’t always the data that you want to have to be able to make decisions that are highly subjective. So, people will operate. You used the right word, too, on a hunch. They’ll have a hunch. This is something that I think will work, and they might have experience in it, whatever, but it will be on a hunch. Warren: What we’re doing here is saying, “Let’s quantify that hunch. Let’s connect that qualitative subjective understanding about the way the world works, and make it measurable, testable, comparable, and do that by using probabilities. What is the probability of this subjective event actually occurring? That’s a way to connect the two. It’s a space that is proven to be very fertile. Warren: Good Judgment has done a lot of great work there led by Phil Tetlock and his colleagues. Others are there, too. There’s a lot more to be discovered, a lot more to be done, and you’re correct that the large organizations, they’re not usually early adopters. They’re usually late adopters. There are plenty of early adopters, though, where they’re applying these sorts of approaches and finding value in them. Warren: In finance, for instance, here’s a great example. A merger and acquisition is announced. What is the probability that it will go through? That’s a very important forecast to get right. If you can get even a few percentage points edge on what’s getting priced into the market by your competitors, over time, that is worth a lot. Warren: It’s the same true for government policy decisions. For instance, if you’re trying to project how many hospital beds you’re going to need, wouldn’t it have been good in January if you have been watching what the superforecasters were saying who said, “In January, when few people are even thinking about it that the case load is going to go into the six digits by March,” and that’s what occurred. So, if you’re thinking of allocations of hospital beds, that can be very useful and, literally, life and death decisions. Warren: Same sorts of things for when a vaccine is going to be developed or when treatments are going to be widely available. Those sorts of things are very consequential for government decisions. While some of the larger organizations within government may not be adopting quickly, others are, and we’re going to be hearing more and more from them if and as they find utility in these approaches. That’s the way diffusion often works is it’s the early adopters are not the largest organizations. Warren: Although, I will say that larger organizations often have smaller units within them specifically tasked with identifying and diffusing these sorts of tools. Even in government, there are organizations, units that do that, and superforecasting tools are some of the things that they are looking at as we speak. Warren: When we’ll hear about them and whether they’ll be adopted, that itself is a forecast, but I’m pretty sure we’ll hear about them long after we’ve heard about other used cases. Corey: I think that’s a great topic. I don’t want to go on for too far back. I have a little personal anecdote that confirms the lack of incentive for adopting accurate forecasts or this methodology. Back when I was in consulting, I noticed that our firm would make lots of … They’re sort of forecasts, but pretty close to flat out predictions as to how the client would do if they adopted our particular approach. They’re rarely probabilities attached to them. They’re extremely confident. Corey: I remember asking around whether we ever checked to see whether our predictions came true. The response I got was, “Well, that’s not possible because our predictions depend upon the client implementations, and we have no control of implementation. So, you can’t blame us if the prediction doesn’t come true.” Corey: Be that as may, I think you can question that, but it was clear there’s very little incentive at the level the organization to assess accuracy because the people who are hiring the organization didn’t want to asses accuracy because they didn’t want to basically raise to their superiors that something they had paid a lot of money for didn’t work. We had very little interest in letting people know that our approach might not have worked. Corey: So, I guess in the case to where there’s no feedback loop, that’s a case where you essentially don’t have any pressure on accuracy. So, it was a really striking experience to me when I compared that conversation to the conversation that, Warren, you and I have had over various periods of time about the power of forecasting because it’s a situation where it’s a very, very profitable company, but the people on top are just not held accountable on that particular line. They held accountable for having happy clients, but not particularly for whether the claims they make to those clients got to be true or false. Warren: Yeah. I mean, in the case of McKinsey, it may be extremely damaging to them for clients to know what their actual accuracy is because they may be priced on brand and brand perception may be far in excess of what they can actually achieve in terms of accuracy, right? So, they may have a very strong incentive never to be marked and marketed in that way. Where are all the customers’ yachts? Corey: Yeah. It’s interesting. I think McKinsey, at the time I was there, was charging 30% more than the nearest competitor. It’s hard to imagine they had 30% greater accuracy. Warren: Yeah. Exactly, but better just to allow the illusion to persist that, “Hey, we in BCG are awesome.” Corey: The comments we’re actually even funnier that that. BCG was described as commercial. Those people are just really commercial. We’re not like that at all. Warren: Yeah. There’s also some division of labor that can usefully be part of how all of this fits together. Well, first, for the decision makers within larger organizations, they have different skills, right? That’s what helped them get to where they are. Being a skilled forecaster is not something necessarily you need to be a good leader, right? It means often a good leader is someone who can motivate people to get stuff done, whatever that thing is. That’s a different skillset, and one where the thinking probabilistically about, “Well, maybe this, maybe that, maybe the other thing, and I’ll wait. Let me think I through,” that gets you to an accurate forecast, but when it comes time to make a decision, things change and you need to get people to do things. Warren: So, the idea of having a high quality probability estimate is that the decision you make is going to be the best possible one in the decision set in front of you. What you then do with it is a different thing. I think it’s the same thing with the management consultancies. Warren: Now, they do other things. One of the things some of them are very good at is thinking about scenarios, right? What are the different ways the world might be from now? When we think about COVID, right? What might the world look like a year or two from now? What are the different worlds we might find ourselves in? Warren: What they’re not so good at doing and don’t claim to do necessarily is which world are we actually headed into? Now, you might find an expert who will on that hunch go, “Well, I think it’s this world that we’re going in to,” boom, boom, boom, boom. What we’re doing here at Good Judgment is, “Okay. Let’s take those scenarios about what possible world we’re going to go into, and let’s break them down into testable propositions. Once we get those testable propositions, we can then go and get forecasts from the best in the business, and that will let us know which world we’re actually heading into.” Warren: Now, if you’re a decision maker and you’re in a position to alter the world we might be going in to, then you can pose questions about the effectiveness of your interventions. So, if I’m, say, in the military and I want to know what the scenarios might be about confrontation with China and Asia, we’ll have a bunch of scenarios. Warren: Then we can ask those same forecasters if I put this carrier group in the South China Sea, will that improve the probability of the objective I want to see or reduce the probability of that occurring, whatever that might be? So, separating decisions from scenarios from the forecasts can be a useful way to think about how the division of labor can be very effective because when you think about the decisions, right, the decisions can be very consequential in the tails, right? Warren: So, a 2% probability of a coronavirus outbreak a year from now, if you’re decision maker, that has a very different meaning than if you’re a forecaster. If you’re a forecaster, you’re just going to wait and see what happens and get your feedback. If you’re a decision maker, that 2% might be too high or not. So, the consequences of what the probabilities are telling you can usefully be kept separate from the panel, from the group of forecasters who are providing the probability estimates, and have a division of labor. Corey: So, I think this is one of the really interesting findings of the Good Judgment Project is that this kind of different perspective, this cognitive diversity leads to better group forecast. That was an interesting finding because it was actually contrary to what was being published before primarily about bias, which is when you have people who think the same way and putting them in groups has negative consequences. So, I think that was well-established, but it wasn’t clear what happened when you had people of different points of view. Corey: Do we know whether this works in general or just when people have the mental outlook to be a good forecaster? Is there something special about the people going to the teams you think aside from cognitive diversity? Can we take any group of people who’s cognitively diverse? Do you think you’re fine and suggest that they will make better group decisions when put together or is there some special sauce that happens when you put people who are high performing forecasters together? Warren: Well, setting aside decisions, they will, I think, reliably come up with more accurate forecasts by having cognitive diversity. If I don’t know anything other about a group, but that one is cognitively diverse and the other is not, no question which one I’m going to pay more attention to. That’s at the group level. Warren: At the individual level, there’s some characteristics that are consistent with good forecasters. Being good at pattern recognition is a very important one. Another is being what they call actively open-minded, and this is the idea that your beliefs about the world or the things that you’re always testing not protecting, right? So, we often see people on TV, they’re protecting their beliefs, “Oh, that doesn’t matter. Oh, this doesn’t matter.” Warren: They’re no very good forecasters, and you can screen for that, too, and see people who are going to be better. Then put them on a platform, start seeing how they forecast, and start scoring them. When you do that and you can observe that there’s cognitive diversity at work, the results of the forecast that they generate will be superior over time. Steve: Could we be a little bit precise about what we mean by cognitive diversity? So, for example, is it beneficial to have high IQ and low IQ people on the team? Is that a positive form of cognitive diversity or do you mean diversity in ways of thinking or knowledge backgrounds, perspectives? So, what exactly is meant by the diversity? Warren: Oh, much more of the latter, Steve, very much so. Different mental models about how the world works has a lot of value. That can show up with different backgrounds, different education, different life experiences, different ways that we engage and think about the world is what you really want to see. So, we’re not clones of each other. So, if we all went to the same schools, have the same jobs, have the same experiences, have the same mental models, and you pose a question to us as a team of forecasters, you’re not getting a diversity of the crowd. You’re just getting one person cloned multiple times. Warren: What you want to have is a lot of different people with those different perspectives, able to contribute their views on a level playing field to really contribute to filling out what the group is understanding. Warren: Now, there’s a great new research that, there’s always more research coming, and one of the really interesting ideas that’s coming out of this is the concept of noise and how it relates to bias as well. It all fits with what we’re talking about here. So, in the original research, they were focusing on, “Well, what’s really going on here?” Warren: Well, so, in accurate forecast, you can think of as one that improves the quality of information about the event that we’re trying to forecast. We want to properly identify and wait that information. We also want to be aware of information that is not useful, that doesn’t contribute to the accuracy of the forecast. Warren: A lot of the attention on that side, the error is the kind of error you get from bias. For instance, we tend to be overconfident. That’s a bias. That’s predictable systematic error. Over time, so it’s very difficult to do things about bias, but over time, because it’s predictable, you can identify it, “Oh, you’re overconfident. I’m going to correct for that in the algorithms.” Warren: Now, the other kind of error that I think is really interesting is the nonsystematic error. It’s information that does not correlate with the outcome at all. It’s noise. This is research that Daniel Kahneman is doing. Phil Tetlock has done some, too. The whole idea is that noise reduction can sometimes be difficult to identify, but once you do, they’re very good techniques to reduce it. Warren: So, at a group level, how does wisdom of the crowd works? What’s really going on here? Well, one thing that’s going on is that all the errors that we all have in a big group of people like Who Wants to be a Millionaire, they’re canceling each other out because the error is normally distributed. You go to the median. There’s the wisdom of the crowd. That’s great. So, it’s a very crude but effective noise reduction tool with the crowd is just to take the median. Warren: Now, what was going on with Good Judgment is now, let’s provide individuals and teams of individuals tool to reduce the noise at that level, to squeeze out more of the noise, boost the quality of information that they are sharing together. So, that’s something that really works when you have cognitive diversity to identify the pieces of information that matter and zero in on them, and the same time built throughout the information that is not so useful, the noise. Corey: Warren, can I stop you? Because it’s getting a little abstract perhaps for our listeners. My guess is you actually have concrete experience with a couple of teams, of actual individual people working to try to reduce noise. So, could you possibly just pick in your head a team that you’ve worked with? Describe to us who is on that team. What kind of backgrounds they have? Try to give for our listeners an illustration of what might be biases, what might be noise, just to give people a concrete sense of how the concepts of noise and biases will apply to group judgment. Is that possible to do? Just think of a team you’ve worked with. Give a sense of who’s on there, what sense they’re diverse, and try to give a concrete sense of what these terms mean on the ground. Warren: Well, how about a specific example of what I think to be a good example of noise? Because we see it all the time. That is, without picking on anyone in particular, there are people who have a view about the world. So, I’ll give an example of Nouriel Roubini, right? His nickname is Steve: Dr. Doom. Warren: Dr. Doom, right. Warren: He is always saying the world is on the edge of an abyss or sliding into the abyss. He’s telling us the same forecast over and over and over, and I’ll go a little farther is that back in February, he was saying that the world is headed for a global downturn because of what he saw to be a spike in oil prices that was on the way. Okay. Warren: Now, a month later, oil prices collapsed, which he then offered as support for why the world is heading into a global recession. So, oil price spiked, oil price collapsed. Either way, it’s the same forecast. Warren: Now, when you go back through time, how often do we have a global collapse? Oh, they happen, but not every year. Maybe it’s one every 20 years or thereabouts. So, empirically, to the degree that those kinds of forecasts are get made and they do not correlate with what subsequently happens, that’s noise, and not to pick on just one economist. There are many who do that. Warren: So, I as a forecaster and the other forecasters on my team, when they see that kind of information, those kinds of headlines will very rapidly discount it and move it to the side. There may be something useful in there that’s buried that we want to pay attention to, but that’s the stuff we want to filter out. We want to filter in the subtlety significant information, and make more use of that, whether the early detection signals we can use. Corey: How do you identify those? Warren: Well, one of the superforecasters put it very nicely recently, and I’m not going to get it exactly right, but we’re talking earlier about the importance of being skilled at pattern recognition as being an indicator of a good forecaster, but it’s not so much just identifying the pattern. It’s also detecting when the pattern itself is changing. Warren: A wonderful example of that was during the last US election when some of the superforecasters based in the DC area during the summer went on a car trip to the Midwest, to Upstate New York. Usually, in an election year, they’d see a lot different sign in people’s yards. That year, there were signs far and away for just one of the parties and not the other. So, that was as subtle change that some of those superforecasters recognized as being significant and they adjusted their forecast as a result. Warren: You think it through, right? What they’re seeing in that observation is that the usual pattern of different parties having representation out in rural areas have changed, and they shifted their forecasts as a result. That sort of thing I find is a great example of filtering out the noisy stuff and identifying and appropriately waiting the more subtle significant information that’s out there. Corey: Now, Warren, one of the, I think, new focuses of Good Judgment is on trying to merge since the machine techniques and computation with human judgment. Many people are saying that, “Well, look. Eventually, computers are going to be just unbelievably good at making forecasts of all sorts, and large heap of people out of business.” Corey: Now, I think that’s a extremely unlikely. My view is that they’re probably going to be working together for the foreseeable future and probably forever, but I do recall a conversation that we had a couple of years ago where you said you were beginning to investigate performance of essentially machine prediction combined with human prediction. Do I have that recollection right? If so, where is that research now? Warren: You’re right, Corey. The billion has end. It’s humans and machines is really the way to go. In a certain sense, that’s always been true. Even the Good Judgment research relies a lot on technology, and the superforecasters themselves use a lot of different models to assist their own forecasting. The research that you are talking about is a little different. Warren: What that was trying to do is just like the Good Judgment Project was a part of research to see what sorts of tools and techniques can improve on the wisdom of the crowd, this asks the same question about what combinations of humans and machines on different kinds of topic areas can lead to better results than you would get from the wisdom of the crowd. Warren: The results of that research to my awareness have been inconclusive and the upshot I think is the future for humans in forecasting is not in doubt for these sorts of subjective events. Warren: Now, machines absolutely have an edge where you have a lot of data and you need to do rapid computations. That is the division of labor that seems to be taking shape. That’s not in the division of labor either. It’s just moving, right? Warren: So, computer themselves are machines that replaced humans. The original computers were people with pencil and paper and an adding machine. Machines came along and we’re able to do that work more efficiently. What that means is for the humans is that they have more time to do other things. They don’t have to do the wrong number crunching. They can instead think about the consequences of making decisions, the element of judgment, the combination of the subject and the quantitative we were talking about earlier. That’s the zone of judgment. Warren: By having machine learning and big data and artificial intelligence really assist and do a lot of the heavy lifting, that leaves more time for us to focus in on what really matters to make better decisions. That’s a great thing. I think that’s a great trade. Warren: As time goes on, no doubt, machines will be doing more. There may even be more and more areas of decisions themselves where we go, “You know what? The machines have got it. Let’s rely on that.” Radiology might be one where they’re not to do this in future machines will be doing a great job at detecting those sorts of issues that can outperform humans. We’ll be seeing other areas, too. For the moment, when it comes to the more subjective sorts of decisions that we all need to make, the machines are not there yet. Corey: So, in your work, where do you use computer models, and what do you use them for? Warren: So, it’s three levels, really, I think. Level one is at the level of an individual forecaster, right? So, one thing I do myself when I see a forecasting question is I like to make a spreadsheet and get all the data I can find and drop it in, and look for base rates, right? I’ll do very good models that way. Other forecasters will get far more sophisticated and create base nets even, and take other sophisticated approaches like that. Warren: So, at an individual level, we’ll be using machines and computers. Then when we aggregate the data, the individual forecasts that come through the teams, we have a group forecast. This is the next level, which the machines can really be helpful, and that’s to have an algorithm that further squeezes out the noise and gets much more higher quality forecast. In a Good Judgment research project phase, that step alone could contribute materially, 10-20 percentage points to the accuracy of a forecast, and you’re putting it all together. Warren: So, individual and then the group forecast, and then what do you do with that forecast is the next level. So, the forecast from the humans and the machines through this process can then be fed into a larger system that can include other sources of information from big data, from AI and machine learning, and have a much more robust ongoing system that doesn’t rely just on big data or just on subjectivity, but is a blend of everything to have a much more fully formed model about how things will work for consequential decisions. Steve: I have a general and meta level question. So, the firm you run, is it basically the business model is like a consulting service, so you’re selling forecasting capabilities to clients and they pay you on a consulting basis? How does that actually work? Warren: There’s a little bit of that, but we’re not really in the consulting business. The main thing we do is we have the superforecasters. We have the best. Clients will pose their questions to the superforecasters and we’ll provide probability estimates along with comments about those forecasts. We’ll do that for individual questions. We also do it on a subscription basis. Warren: So, we’ll have a set of questions, say, on global risks as we do, and people are able to subscribe to that. So, that’s our main central business line is that service, which is quite scalable, and we work with organizations and government, defense intelligence, finance, energy, and others. Steve: Can you say how many superforecasters you actually employ to make these forecasts? Warren: They are independent contractors and will work with us on task orders. At the moment, there are about 150. Each year, we go to Good Judgment Open and invite the best of the best there to come and join the professionals. So, that’s one thing we do. Warren: Sometimes organizations want to build these capabilities internally, too. So, we will provide training to show what works and what doesn’t, what the best practices are to come up with forecasts, as well as to pose the questions that will matter inside organizations, where they can get the wisdom of their own crowd. Steve: Is there any evidence that your customers are in a sophisticated way evaluating your performance? Warren: I’m not quite sure I understood the question. Steve: Well, so I’m buying a product from you. I’m buying some forecaster probability distributions from you. If I’m disciplined, I would, after a few years of having a subscription to your service, have my own view of just how good you are, how well do you outperform some other entity that’s selling me predictions or my internal capabilities. What’s the level of sophistication on the client side evaluation of the product that you detect? In other words, they read a book called Superforecasters and they decided, “Hey, these guys are awesome. Let’s just pay them to do some stuff for us,” or are they themselves sophisticated consumers of what you’re providing? Warren: Boy, Steve, I wish it were that easy that they just read the book and say, “Sign me up.” It isn’t. They’re very sophisticated. They want to see value, the value of proposition in what this can do. The specific way that you’re asking about is, “Well, how do I know that this is accurate information?” You’re right. The best way to find that out is to be able to compare it to something else, some other external source of forecasting, for instance. That’s been done, and it’s been done by clients. It’s also been done by us. As far as we’re aware, the superforecasters on any reasonably rich mix of questions, so the data is meaningful, have come out ahead. Warren: There’s been more informal experiments, too, where some client have posed questions to the superforecasters and done their own internal forecasting on their own. Didn’t tell us about it until later, and to the degree that they have been sharing those results. It’s showing the superforecasters to be well ahead. Warren: It’s not terribly surprising in a certain sense either because a lot of the way that forecasting gets done is without the benefit of these best practices using crowds, doing updates, pulling information. These sorts of basic things have not yet diffused as widely as they could, and I hope that that changes in the months and quarters ahead. Steve: Yeah. I’m not surprise that you guys outperform other options. What is interesting to me is the degree of sophistication of the consumers, the clients in terms of how well they try to measure that or benchmark that. Warren: For them to keep coming back, they’re going to want to have evidence to support it, and that’s what we certainly have been seeing. Steve: To give you another classic example, which I’ve been interested in for a really long time is estimating Alpha of traders. So, obviously, huge compensation numbers are tied to this question. You can talk to experts either academic researchers or people in the business who have diametrically opposed views. One set will say, “Oh, yeah. We can measure Alpha.” There’s enough record in somebody’s trades over some five, 10-year period as a portfolio manager to really get a sense of whether they have Alpha or not. Steve: Then there are other people who are very pessimistic and say, “No, we never know because this guy could have just been lucky because his personal biases that arise for idiosyncratic reasons from his life just happen to align well with market conditions for his five-year run.” Steve: So, I think there’s still some dispute as to whether that very well-defined quantity can be reliably estimated or even if it’s a stable thing to estimate for individuals. That’s a very, very clear problem that everybody has. Everybody that runs money has this problem. Yet, I don’t think there’s a universal agreement on what the actual situation is. Warren: I’m glad you brought that up. It goes to how do you evaluate performance. Some of the other interesting research that’s been going on and what Phil Tetlock has called Alpha Brier. So, what is that about? So, Alpha, when you boil it down, it’s your P&L, right? So, it’s an outcome-based way of evaluating performance. Steve: Slight correction. So, it’s your P&L, but normalized to the amount of risk you took on. So, if your portfolio is very stable and you didn’t take on a lot of risk, even a smaller level of rate of return would be acceptable, right? So, it’s return normalized to the amount of volatility or risk that you took on. Warren: However you define it, though, right? It is an outcome-based evaluation of performance. A Brier score is a process-based evaluation, right? So, it tells you, “Were you right for the right reasons?” You can combine the two. You can think of a grid where you have Alpha on the Y axis and the Brier score on the X axis, and what you want to see is high Alpha and low Brier score. Warren: This is information that exists. Listen, portfolio managers are making forecasts all the time that could be tracked and converted into a Brier’s score. We also see what the performance is and that can be measured as Alpha, and populate a grid to see where analysts and portfolio managers collectively land. Warren: Ideally, you’d like to see them in that upper left quadrant, but perhaps, they’re in the upper right quadrant. That’s the zone of better lucky than smart, right? That’s a time-tested adage. “Oh, well, I’m right even though my reasons were completely misplaced.” Warren: There’s a great example on the last election on that, too. I know a lot of people, I’m sure you did, too, who had a view about the election outcome that the Democrat would win, and that that would be good for markets. So, they went long. Sure enough, in the New Year, stock market soar, and they looked brilliant, but they were better lucky than smart. They were right for the wrong reasons. Warren: If you take an Alpha-Brier approach, you will get the feedback that you were just lucky and not smart in that instance, and be able to act to improve in the future. So, that’s a really interesting area. Some firms are actively trying to combine ways to evaluate performance in that way. I think it’s a very promising area to be. Steve: Yeah. It’s very interesting because some people could have … If you see high Alpha and low Brier, then I think, first hypothesis will be this guy’s lucky, but it could also be that the articulated events that are in the Brier score that people think are driving the market actually aren’t, and so you could be wrong on all the Brier stuff, but you have some gut feel for just what the market is going to do, and you’re able to trade on that and generate the Alpha even though your Brier score is low. So, I don’t know if that really could be how things are, but I wouldn’t completely discount it. Steve: On this issue of hunches, I don’t know if you’re familiar with the work of this guy Gigerenzer. So, he’s a, I think, German psychologist, who is a little bit of a foil for Kahneman and Tversky. I don’t know if you’re familiar with his work, but he’s also fairly prominent in some of these decision theoretic places. He actually claims to have data that suggested in a lot of settings. We have to define this very carefully, and I won’t do a good job of it, but expert intuition, where people make up their minds very quickly but they have a lot of experience in the area does actually outperform this rational Bayesian thinking, which incorporates lots of details and things like this. Steve: Just recently, I think he’s been making claims that he has lots of data that suggest that informed hunches. Actually, of course, it’s subsuming lots of information processing and deep intuition that your brain is doing, you just don’t have conscious access to it. He claims there’s a lot of evidence that that’s actually better than the more rational algorithm-like things that some of us might prefer. Warren: Well, and I’m not as familiar with his work, but they’re maybe more overlap. I am more familiar with Gary Klein and his work. It’s the idea of acting on intuition. I’m going to be saying it right. I’m sure I’m saying it in a different way, but the idea is that you accumulate a lot of experience, and through experience, you begin to recognize situations almost intuitively and act on those recognitions that you may not even be able to articulate to yourself. It’s just something that’s become built in that you have learned, that you have acquired through experience. Steve: Yes. I think we’re about talking about the same thing. Warren: In that sense, superforecasting is the same kind of thing, being able to translate hunches into numerical probability estimates. It’s a skill of the same sort. For the people that do it a lot, it becomes second nature. Oftentimes, they won’t even be able to articulate why it’s going to be a hunch that they quantify with a number because that’s now second nature. So, in that sense, maybe there’s a fair amount of overlap that these research results would be showing. Love data. Love to see that data, too. Corey: Yeah. This has been a debate. Gigerenzer’s been having this with Kahneman since the ’90s. I think some people do think that it may … This is very hard to separate them empirically, right? Any scientist or any expert in an area has internalized the phenomenal amount of information and computational principles. The question is, is this self-explicit or not? That just may be the difference. I think the extreme version of Gigerenzer is that the computation is not happening, that at some level something else is happening aside from using base or a physicist using very sophisticated intuition that effectively internalizes a number of physical laws. Corey: The extreme version is there’s something else going on. I think the natural version is that over time, these things have simply become part of your basal computation. So, you make judgments about explicitly pulling out a pencil and paper. I think that’s right, right? Obviously, it’s data that you’re talking about, Steve, but if that’s right, it’s very hard to imagine whether there’s an exception, there’s an empirical difference except whether it’s conscious or not. Steve: I think without getting too far into his stuff, I think some of the recent stuff I think I listened to a couple of talks, recent talks of his, maybe the distinction was judgments that someone can make very quickly, and so quickly that they clearly didn’t go through any articulatable analysis or algorithm. Steve: Well, it could be an algorithm, but it wasn’t something where they chained together a bunch of reasoning. They just said, “Okay. That’s not going to happen.” Yet, in some circumstances, he claims to have data where that just outperforms, allowing a guy to have 20 minutes and access to Google and do a bunch of other things before they come to, and they use a pencil and paper, and a spreadsheet, and he claims to have … I think, I could be getting this wrong, but I think he claims to have examples where the former beats the latter for certain tasks. So, I found that quite interesting. Corey: So, they get it wrong if you give them time to think. Steve: Yeah. Exactly it. That’s what he’s claiming. He has examples like that. Corey: Interesting. So, Warren, we’re about out of time, and we, in fact, didn’t get to the one topic we thought we’d talk about. It’s been a great conversation, anyway. Any last few comments about your new project on COVID because I think this is something our listeners might be very interested in. So, tell us a little bit about your current crowdsourcing project, where you’re really focusing on experts to answer specific questions about COVID. Warren: Yeah. So, we’ve got our superforecaster dashboard with some high level questions, but we’ve also set up a platform that … Good Judgment has been open, too, where the public at large can engage on a lot of questions related to COVID. We thought it would be helpful to provide a platform for the experts themselves that’s closed. You need to be a professional and qualify as such. Then you can go and contribute your wisdom to t

11. juni 2020 - 1 h 16 min
episode Leif Wenar on the Resource Curse and Impact Philosophy – #49 cover

Leif Wenar on the Resource Curse and Impact Philosophy – #49

Corey and Steve interview Leif Wenar, Professor of Philosophy at Stanford University and author of Blood Oil. They begin with memories of Leif and Corey’s mutual friend David Foster Wallace and end with a discussion of John Rawls and Robert Nozick (Wenar’s thesis advisor at Harvard, and a friend of Steve’s). Corey asks whether Leif shares his view that analytic philosophy had become too divorced from wider intellectual life. Leif explains his effort to re-engage philosophy in the big issues of our day as Hobbes, Rousseau, Locke, Mill and Marx were in theirs. He details how a trip to Nigeria gave him insight into the real problems facing real people in oil-rich countries. Leif explains how the legal concept of “efficiency” led to the resource curse and argues that we should refuse to buy oil from countries that are not minimally accountable to their people. Steve notes that some may find this approach too idealistic and not in the US interest. Leif suggests that what philosophers can contribute is the ability to see the big synthetic picture in a complex world. RESOURCES * Transcript [https://manifoldlearning.com/episode-049#transcript] * Leif Wenar [http://www.wenar.info/about] (Bio) * Blood Oil: Tyrants, Violence, and the Rules That Run the World [https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/25735903-blood-oil] * John Rawls [https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/rawls/]– Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy * Peter Nozick [https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/nozick-political/] – Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy TRANSCRIPT Friends of Manifold: Please be aware that this transcript was generated by an automated process. The machine sometimes confuses speakers, among other things. Please email manifld@msu.edu [manifld@msu.edu] if you notice any corrections that need to be made.Corey: Our guest today is Leif Wenar, professor of philosophy at Stanford University. Leif is the author of Blood Oil: Tyrants, Violence, and the Rules that Run the World, the coauthor of the author meets critics volume Beyond Blood Oil: Philosophy, Policy, and the Future. He co-edited an autobiographical volume on the economist FA Hayek, and co-edited Giving Well: The Ethics of Philanthropy. Leif received his AB in philosophy from Stanford, his PhD in philosophy from Harvard, where he worked with Scanlon, Nozick and Rawls. Before taking the position at Stanford, he was chair of the philosophy department at King’s College London. Welcome, Leif. Leif: Thanks so much Corey, delighted to be here Corey: I think you and I met about 30 years ago. I think it’s around 1990 at Stanford. Is that right? Did you graduate around 92? Leif: I graduated around then and yes, it has been a long time. I have to say you haven’t changed a bit. You still look terrific. Corey: You were an undergrad and I was a grad student. And I think you were at that time focusing on moral philosophy or did that come later? Leif: Yes, that’s right. Moral and political. Corey: I think we reconnected about 10 years ago, maybe a little bit more, when Daniel Max was writing his biography of David Foster Wallace. Because as I recall, you’re one of the few people who actually knew Dave when he was at Harvard. Do I have that right? Leif: I was a year ahead of him and he and I used to go to the gym together where I heard about all of his adventures in the performance art scene in New York city, which eventually drew him in and we lost him to philosophy, but our loss was certainly literature’s gain. Corey: So I think that was in the mid to late 90s, I guess, is that right? Leif: A little earlier than that. Corey: Earlier, okay. And I think at that time, Dave was taking a break from writing. I think he sort of thought his writing career was over at the time. This was way before Infinite Jest. I guess it was early 90s. It’s interesting, only Dave would do this. I think he thought that a way of getting his life together was to drop out of fiction and go to philosophy grad school. Leif: Yes. And he didn’t really realize what philosophy grad school was all about. It turned out to be much more technical and detached than he expected, and he lost interest in that fairly quickly and decided to turn his formidable intellectual powers back to writing fiction. Corey: I think the last time when we talked about this, you say one of your memories of Dave was finding him asleep in the philosophy library. Leif: That’s right. He was not sitting in a chair like everybody else looking to a huge tome of Emmanuel Kant. He was in fact asleep underneath the table, after one of his extraordinary outings to the city where he met all sorts of characters and had all sorts of adventures. Corey: This was just before, I think, one of Dave’s larger breakdowns that is actually chronicled in Infinite Jest. Leif: I think that’s right. He was having a… Let’s just say he was engaging in a lot of extreme activities, perhaps more than his system could handle. Corey: Got it. So I want to turn to our common origins, which is analytic philosophy at the end of the last century. I’ve been on the field for quite a while. So in looking back, my impression is that philosophy became very narrow towards the end of the 20th century. Analytic philosophy had been going for about a hundred years and become increasingly technical and perhaps detached from, I think, broader questions that might engage the intellectual community and certainly broader questions that engage the public. And so I just want to get your reaction to that view of philosophy at the time, because it really was what led me to basically leave the field. Leif: Yeah. Since we started in philosophy, it’s become increasingly engaged with evermore sophisticated intellectual techniques. Now that’s produced work so that incredible rigor and extraordinary detail, but the danger is that the techniques become ends of themselves. So the debates feed on themselves and they become self contained and lose contact with the questions that got us into the field in the first place. So there’s a lot of great work in philosophy, but the danger is that in analytic philosophy it can become scholasticism, in a pejorative sense. In my own field, political philosophy, it’s just clear. The best work in the last 400 years has been done by philosophers who were engaged in the big political struggles of their day. I mean, just look at who we teach in political philosophy 101. Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Mill, Marx. And think about these men. Leif: Hobbs had to flee the country for fear of his life because of the political philosophy he was writing. John Locke had to flee the country for fear of his life because of the political philosophy he was writing. They threw rocks at Rousseau as he fled Paris and they really gave him a hard time when he reached Geneva. Mill was a member of parliament engaged in every one of the big issues of his day. And Karl Marx, well they chased him from Germany to France and from France to London, they still followed him around with the secret police in London because of the political philosophy he was doing. These philosophers were not engaged in scholastic debates for their own sakes. They were fully committed to the struggles of their time and their work is of enduring interest because they captured the dynamics of human nature and human power that we still see around us right now. Corey: So what happened over the hundred years since analytic philosophy got started, because I think the initial impulse was reasonable, to add some rigor to what may have seen to people to be very vague debates, to bring in new methods from mathematical logic. Where did that go astray? Leif: Let me just talk about my field, which is political philosophy. My own field, political philosophy, lost track of politics. There was less of less of a sense that political philosophy should be about real things happening in the world and more and more of a sense that political philosophy should be responding to its own self contained literature, developing ever more refined versions of very abstract principles, that it was hard to see resolving problems of real people. Part of that is due to the things you would expect. Academic specialization, institutions tend to hyper specialize the more they go along. When I was training as a grad student, there was a real sense that you should not know about politics. I remember one of my advisors saying, “We can’t talk about that question because it depends on facts about the world and we’re philosophers, we don’t talk about facts about the world.” And especially in politics I think that has been very limiting. Again, the rigor is fantastic. Development of abstract principles are fantastic. But if you lose track of the animating impulse of politics in the first place, it’s hard to reconnect your work to anything that matters to real people. Corey: So two of your advisors, or two people you worked with, Nozick and Rawls, have had a fair amount of influence, it seems, on the political debate at least at one time. And maybe this was sort of the… They were, I think, perhaps the last political philosophers to do so. But I have to say, I agree with you. I had this revelation back in the mid 90s when I was toward the end of my career in philosophy, and I remember thinking that I could imagine seeing almost an academic for almost any field on TV. I can imagine seeing political scientists, economists, physicists, talking about things of interest to the public. I could even imagine literature professors because people read books, and I can imagine people who specialized in film. Corey: And I realized, I couldn’t imagine seeing a philosopher on TV because I couldn’t think of anything that they would want to tell the public that’d be of interest to them. They couldn’t tell him a new facts because as you said, they were not interested in facts. And they’re worried about arcana of the kind that wasn’t part of popular culture, like literature or film or theater. So I remember that revelation was quite striking to me. I realized I’m in a field that is of no interest to the public. Why keep doing this? And that led me to essentially begin to move in a very different direction. My impression is that you saw that and then found a way to basically tack back into the mainstream of a public discussion. Leif: Yeah, that’s right. So my work for the past 15 years has been on the resource curse. Why do resource rich states like Russia, Saudi Arabia and the Congo, why do they have such huge problems? Oppressive government, grand corruption, civil conflict. Why do resources, and especially oil, mean such disasters for the people there, and very often the disasters come and reflect back on us here in the West. Why does that happen, and how can we change our own laws to stop that from happening by realigning our laws with our interests and our values? That’s a real world problem that I became deeply engaged with, and it really changed the way I see political philosophy. And one way that we can go about doing it. Steve: Corey. Corey: Go ahead Steve, yeah. Steve: Sorry to interrupt. But before we leave your… I sense we might be leaving your attack on analytic philosophy. So just before we leave that, because I think you and I maybe don’t quite agree on this so much. I’ve never been that negative about analytic philosophy. Although any academic subject, I think can go off the rails if it becomes overly introspective or specialized, but just correct me if I’m wrong. I didn’t realize that in analytic philosophy one should not introduce facts as part of the subject, because a lot of the analytic philosophers that I knew who were doing say philosophy of science or philosophy of physics had to introduce facts constantly because there were new physical theories being developed, and they were trying to actually understand, from a slightly more philosophical perspective, the scientific advances that were being made by the actual scientists. So that the introduction of facts didn’t really seem to be a constraining part of what they were doing. Leif: Yeah. I really agree with you, Steve. I think what I said is particular to political philosophy. So when I was in grad school, absolutely, if you’re doing philosophy of science, you had to know something about science. If you were doing philosophy of mind, you had to know something about cognitive science. It’s really political philosophy that has tended to lose touch. Well at least the grand theories has tended to lose touch with politics. And if it weren’t for John Rawls and his great influence, I don’t know if political philosophers would talk about institutions at all, instead of just principles. Now there are of course political philosophers who do work on particular problems like immigration and nationalism and poverty and so on, but that tends to be roped off into an area called applied philosophy, and it’s its own world somewhat out of the mainstream of what I think political philosophers think of as political philosophy proper. Corey: So Steve, I think you’re right. I think perhaps I was maybe being a little bit too critical, but I do agree with Leif there. It’s not just political philosophy, I think, that stepped back from facts. Philosophy of language had facts of a kind, but they were intuitions. You would consider a sentence. Everyone loves someone, or snow is white and you ask yourself what that sentence meant. And that was the fact that would kind of guide your theory. And this approach is modeled on linguistics, which essentially took intuitions as evidence for theories. And the problem is that this is really tenuous evidence as we’ve come to realize, because people’s intuitions clash. Sometimes the intuitions are not sufficient to support all the technical detail that goes on in the theory. So there were facts, but I think they weren’t particularly hard facts. Corey: And philosophy of mind, I think at least, some people in philosophy mind did pay quite a lot of attention to current research, but a lot of it got pretty abstract and people begin to try to characterize what a mental state was in a way that didn’t seem like it was constrained by what was happening. In fact, I remember it, I was really fully part of this outlet. I remember having a friend who would spend time… In fact, he’s now a professor here of philosophy at MSU, would spend time in the psychology department. I remember hassling him, like, “Why are you over there? Why are you over there? What are you going to learn from those people? They’re just doing empirical stuff, and we’re looking for essentially the universal rules, and you can’t learn by universal rules from looking at what’s actually there.” Anyway, I think there are varying degrees of involvement with facts, but there’s something of a liftoff from facts, and we became increasingly detached from them. And my impression is that’s not actually too far, Steve, from what you were saying has happened in physics at the time. Steve: That’s a totally different thing, which I’m happy to discuss, but I don’t want to derail this conversation. But my impression going back to the 90s was that… And maybe this characterization is not even correct, but that you had analytic and continental philosophers, and the continental philosophers, as far as I could tell, didn’t make any sense at all, and at least the analytic ones were using some kinds of vague rules of logic that I could understand. So I tended to be more favorable toward the analytic types. Corey: You know, it’s interesting. I think there’s a split. I think the continental types focused on relatively big questions, but often in ways that I agree with hard to understand. And the analytic philosophers wrote often, at least on the surface, precisely, but worried about narrow question. Steve: No, I think that’s right. I think that’s right. But the continental types I would meet with, because my wife is in comparative literature. So I would often, going in that direction, end up meeting up with people who did quote continental philosophy, but they would make gigantic claims that I just couldn’t make sense of or justify in the slightest. Whereas at least the analytic guys that I spoke to, what they said made sense, even if though it was quite often very narrow. Leif: Yeah. I totally agree with that. The continental, analytic divide. The clarity is on the analytic side. And let me say, I think there is a lot of fantastic work going on in analytic philosophy. Not only in other fields, but even in my own field, there are leading figures are doing terrific work on important topics. [inaudible 00:16:08] here on what should and should not be for sale. Elizabeth Anderson on discrimination and the tyranny inside corporations. There’s really great work going on. But if you open up the average political philosophy journal, tend to find is it some removed from the problems that motivate us all and that we think about when we open up the newspaper. Steve: Just to touch on the physics issue, because you raised it, Corey, and we just released the [inaudible 00:16:40] syndrome episode today. The issue with physicist is never that things need to be subject to empirical validation or falsification. Every physicist agrees on that. The question is whether, while we’re waiting for the experiments to get good enough to test certain theories, is it a reasonable thing for someone to spend their entire career on some very mathematical speculative physics, which may or may not describe our universe, even if we know it’s going to be at least a hundred years or more before that particular theory could be tested? And there’s a big group of physicists who would say, “No, that’s not physics. You’re speculating too much and you’re too disconnected from experiment.” And then there’s a smaller group, for example, string theorists, who say, “No, the ideas are so beautiful, even if they’re not falsifiable for the next thousand years. It’s still physics and I should still be allowed to work on it.” So the central role of empiricism is never doubted. It’s just a question of timescales. Corey: I want to segue back into Leif’s work, and I have to say, when I was leaving philosophy, I began teaching classes in applied ethics, and I rapidly found myself introducing works from political scientists, from sociologists. One of my favorite books was Christopher Jencks’ book on homelessness, one the first books homelessness. I read a book on rethinking abortion by Mark Graber, which was incredibly informative. And I found that that’s what actually engaged the students. You did some philosophy, you introduced political scientists, you introduce economics, you introduce sociology, because that’s what problems were, these multiple areas, and philosophy could help structure the debate to a large extent. Corey: And when I read your book, I really had the feeling of a little bit of deja vu, because it’s a book that really tackles this problem and this philosophy in it, but it doesn’t feel like work of philosophy. Now, I don’t know how you view it, but I thought that is an incredible accomplishment because it showed the power of philosophy to structure debates, and to be an organizing principle, but you really got pretty deep into discussions of things like supply chains. So I just want to get a sense of how you came to approach the book the way you did, without making it really a philosophy book. Leif: This is the way I think political philosophy can be [inaudible 00:19:07]. Start with a real problem in the world and then follow Wittgenstein’s advice. Don’t think, look. Even better, don’t think, listen. Go and talk to people on the frontline of some issue that you care about. Resource curse, immigration racial discrimination. Go to talk to people who have to make real decisions about what to do in this area. And don’t think that your fancy philosophical theory is going to solve their problems. In fact, just be quiet and listen. These people can teach you so much about how the world works, how it really works, and that stuff you’ll never learn in your philosophy books. For me, it was going to Nigeria many years ago. My first trip to Nigeria, I found that I could get meetings with all sorts of people just because I was a professor. So I met with the head of the central bank, the Nigerian representative to OPEC, [inaudible 00:00:20:13], the Dutch embassy staff, the son of one of the important tribal chiefs, militants from the Niger Delta, lots of NGO people. Leif: And I just asked them questions. I didn’t lecture them on cosmopolitan theories of global justice or anything like that. And I learned so much from them about how Nigeria works, how the politics of oil works, how the dynamics of power do so much to disrupt the lives of these real people in this amazing country, and listening to them gave me a sense of what the problems really were, and so what the solutions could possibly be, which had never occurred to me as an academic philosopher. And that got me thinking about, what is it that a philosopher can contribute to these kinds of questions? Resource curse, immigration, racial discrimination. What’s our contribution? What’s our comparative advantage? Well, a lot of philosophers are super smart, but of course, most super smart people are not in philosophy, and that’s obvious because philosophy is a tiny part of the labor market, but also because most of the recognition doesn’t go to philosophy. It goes to other places. Leif: So when you go out in the world outside of the academy, what you find is extraordinary people who know their worlds extremely well, much better than you ever will. What could you possibly contribute as a philosopher to add value to the worlds of these people? And the conclusion I came to is that our comparative advantage as philosophers is that we can see the big picture. We’re good at abstracting from details. We’re intellectually flexible enough to put facts from different fields together in a unified view. That’s what Hobbes and Locke and Rousseau and Mill and Marx did. They gave big synthetic pictures of the world, and that’s what I found I had to do to talk about the resource curse and how to lift it. You have to put together political economy with law and with history and with philosophy and with public policy. For making a real impact, what philosophers can contribute is not our ability to do conceptual analysis or to detail the slightly different versions of some principle. Our contribution is to give a big picture that even some super smart people who are immersed in their own worlds have never been able to see. Corey: So at the beginning of Blood Oil, you have a really nice introduction, you sort of zoom in to the problem. You begin with a very high level statement of the resource curse- Corey: You begin with a very high level statement of the resource curse and then start quoting papers successively closer and closer to the problem. I sense when you narrowed it in, the focal point were these initial discussions. Now, I know this is many, many years ago, but take us back to those initial discussions. Do you remember what you learned at the time when you talked to these people? Leif: Yeah. Well, when I was in Nigeria I asked everyone I met the same question, which was, “Imagine the United States wanted to do the best thing for Nigeria.” And everyone stopped me right there. They said, “Imagine what?” I said, “Okay, just go with this for a second. Imagine you could snap your fingers and make the United States government do one thing that would actually help the Nigerian people. What would that be?” And I was so surprised that everyone said the same thing. I would never have guessed this. Everyone, from the head of the central bank down to the mountains and the delta said travel bans. I said, “Travel bans? Why?” Leif: And as the son of the tribal chief told me, he said, “Look, these corrupt guys in Nigerian government, they don’t need your development aid. You have no leverage on these people economically. These guys get rich. They’re dollar millionaires within four years. They get into office, they take the money, they’re out of office. When you’re at the trough you don’t talk, you eat. So what could America possibly do to change the incentives of these guys while they’re in office? And travel bans is the thing. What these corrupt guys in government need,” he said, “is to show their face overseas. They want to send their kids to Oxford or Michigan State. They want to send their mistress to shop at Harrod’s or Barney’s in New York. And when they get sick they want to go to the Mayo Clinic. That’s what they need while they’re in office. If you put travel bans on the corrupt guys and their kids, that’s really going to change their incentives and get them to be less corrupt. And when you do that, you should also please give meetings, high level meetings, to the non-corrupt guys and maybe give some scholarships to their kids to prestigious American universities.” Leif: Now, that’s a great answer, which I now understand makes a lot of sense. As an academic philosopher, that answer would never have occurred to me in 1,000 years. It wasn’t even in my radar, but that’s the kind of fact that gave me an insight into how power around oil works and how we could possibly reshape that kind of power. Corey: So I think for most of our listeners, they may be generally familiar with the resource curse. So I want to zoom back out before we zoom back in and just give people a summary what the resource curse is. I think it’s widely understood at least the negative effect of the resource curse on the countries themselves, but you actually emphasize the negative effects on us. So explain both sides. Leif: The resource curse shows up in our headlines all the time if only we can see it. So let’s just think about oil for a while. Oil is the world’s biggest commodity, hundreds of billions of dollars a year cross borders for oil. And think about where oil comes from. The world’s big artery of oil stretches down from Russia through the Middle East into north and then west Africa, and then over to South America. That’s where most of the world’s oil comes from. And if you look at the map of authoritarian and failed states in the world, you’ll see that so many of those states are right along that big artery of oil. And the results can be disastrous. So let me give you six correlations. Most of the authoritarian regimes in the world are in oil states. Most of the civil wars are in oil states. Most grand corruption is in oil states. Most hunger crises are in oil states. Most extreme poverty in the world will soon be in oil states. And most refugees are fleeing from oil states. Leif: Oil can really mess up a country’s political economy, with disastrous results for the people there. And as you just mentioned, it can also be very bad for us here in the West. So to see that, to see how the resource curse can be bad for us, let’s just think backwards in time through the big threats and crises that we’ve seen in the last 50 years. So recently we’ve seen what Putin of Russia invading a European country, meddling in American elections. Putin was also intervening in Syria, where Assad was barrel bombing his people, leading to a refugee crisis that put serious pressure on the politics of Europe. Before Assad it was ISIS with their atrocities and their beheadings. Before ISIS, of course, Al Qaeda behind 7/7 in London, which was very near where I was living at the time. So of course behind 9/11. Leif: Saddam Hussein destabilizing the Middle East overnight in 1990 by invading Kuwait, the Iranian regime behind all sorts of regional terrorism and extremism for 40 years, Muammar Gaddafi sponsoring terrorism around the rest for his whole political lifetime. And if you go back far enough, 50 years ago, the Soviet Union starting to surge ahead of the West in the nuclear arms race. All of those threats and crises have one thing in common. They all originate in countries that exported a lot of oil. And that means all of those threats and crises have one thing in common, and that’s our money. Our money spent to pay for that oil. In a very real sense, we were funding our biggest threats and crises for the past 50 years. That’s how the resource curse hurts us, and that is the business we have to get out of. Corey: What’s the mechanism by which oil has these consequences? Leif: The mechanism is a law that’s embedded so deep in global commerce, that’s been around for so long we don’t even see it. We just take it for granted. So here’s an obvious fact about the law within our country. If an armed gang takes over a gas station by force, that gang does not get the legal right to sell off the gas and keep the money. But here’s the strange thing about how the world works for natural resources. If an armed gang takes over an oil producing country or even a few oil wells, we do give them the right to sell the oil to us. That means that we incentivize through our own laws the most violent and oppressive people taking control of the world’s most valuable physical commodity. All of their oil flows to us, all of our money flows to them. And that’s why we see such disastrous repression, corruption, and conflict in many of the biggest oil producing countries. We give these men, and they’re always men, unaccountable power by the huge sums of money that we give them for oil. Corey: So you talked about corruption in Nigeria, and I guess there’s some facts about there being very low rates of democracy in oil producing countries. But Nigeria is a democracy, at least on paper. So what’s the effect of oil in a putatively democratic society? Leif: You’ve hit on the key fact, because there are a lot of oil rich countries that are democratic. So the resource curse does not strike you just because you have resources, the oil curse doesn’t strike just because you have oil. What’s the dividing line? Well, in general the question is, was your government accountable to the people when the oil came in? If you have a lot of oil and your government was accountable to the people, then the people force the government to use the oil for public goods. And that’s the story of Norway, for example, or Canada, the United States. United States has a lot of problems, but it’s certainly not as bad as, say, Saudi Arabia. If your government’s accountable to the people, then oil can be a blessing. But if you have a lot of oil and the government’s not accountable to the people, well, then it goes to empower the authoritarian who’s in charge, or even worse, it goes to fund the civil war on both sides that’s going on, like we see right now, for example, in Libya. Leif: Now, Nigeria is an interesting case because Nigeria [inaudible 00:32:41] resource curse for many years. For many years oil revenues were propping up some pretty authoritarian governments. But now, as you say, Nigeria is making its democratic transition. How did that happen? The basic answer is, it started running out of oil, or at least it started running out of oil per capita. So when the oil money starts to run out, then there’s just less money for the government to repress the people and the people start demanding that the government becomes more accountable to them. So the countries that were resource cursed that have made their democratic transition are places where the power, the unaccountable power of oil just started to run out. And that’s Nigeria and Indonesia and Mexico. So the resource curse can ease when the resources go down. The other way to do it, of course, would be for us to stop buying the resources from authoritarian regimes and armed groups. And that is the central proposal of the book. Corey: Before we move on to the proposal I want to get back to this law of international commerce. You call it effectiveness. Is that a longstanding term or is that a term of art within law? And where is it written down, if anywhere? Leif: Effectiveness is a term that every lawyer knows. It’s a technical term within law. It essentially just means might makes right. And I mean that literally, that the law of every country for the resources of other countries is, might makes right. So for example, years ago when Saddam Hussein’s junta took over the government of Iraq in a coup, American law made it legal to buy Iraq’s oil from that junta. Years later when ISIS took over some of those wells in northern Iraq, American law by default made it legal to buy that oil from ISIS. America’s law is, might makes right. In fact, the law of every country in the world for the resources of other countries is, might makes right. And that’s the law that puts us into business with authoritarians and armed groups. Every country’s law is structured differently. Might makes right will be realized in different ways in different legal systems. But it’s always true that if someone seizes resources by force over there, we will make it legal to buy those resources over here. Leif: And sometimes I use this analogy to show what a disaster that is. Imagine that New York declared might makes right for all the goods in New Jersey. Imagine that the New York legislature said any goods that can be seized by force in New Jersey can legally be sold in New York, and that the New York police and courts will enforce the property rights over those goods. Well, if might makes right with the law in New York, what do you think New Jersey would look like after a while? You’d see crime kings, syndicates, extortion racket, just the kind of phenomena we see on a much larger scale in resource rich countries, because our laws for the resources of other countries literally is, might makes right. Corey: So before we get into your proposals in the book, I want to return our question of how you approach this as a philosopher. Because this is something that presumably political scientists have been aware of for a very long time. It’s discussed. When you start trying to write this book as a philosopher, how do you approach it in such a way that it doesn’t feel like conventional political philosophy? Where did you find yourself deviating from effectively what you had been reading for the past 20 years in your classes? Leif: The deviation is not mine. Primarily the deviation is academic philosophy. Let me go back to those classic works of political philosophy that I mentioned before, Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Mill, Marx. The kind of work that I found myself doing on the resource curse is very much continuous with the kind of work they were doing. They started out with a political crisis and they abstracted to a level that they could make the problem comprehensible and the solutions manageable. The primary method of political philosophy through the centuries has been, work from the ground upwards. It’s only recently where the primary methodology of political philosophy has been top down, that is, you think you know what the principle of justice is and then you’d explain how that principle of justice could be realized in the world. Leif: Now, I think the top-down theory is valuable, has many uses, but it would be great if we could create more room within academic political philosophy to do work that starts with the ground and goes upwards. This is not applied philosophy where the principle comes first. This is problems first, and solutions emerge from the problems. It’s only when you understand the dynamics of the problem in detail you see where the solution could possibly come from. Steve: So Corey, if I’m leaping ahead too far just say, “Hey, we’ll get to that” and cut me off. But it sounds like we’re getting to the point here where we’re going to judge the goodness or justness or appropriateness of a sovereign government in a foreign country and then decide whether to buy oil from those countries based on our conclusion. Is that the proposal that is being advanced? Leif: It’s a very limited proposal. Let me mention that we cannot avoid a decision on who we should buy resources from. We’re all in sovereign states. United States is a sovereign state, the United States makes its own laws. We decide from whom it will be legal for Americans to buy oil and other resources. We can decide to buy it from authoritarian regimes and armed groups, or we can decide not to. The proposal that Clean Trade is making is that we should decide not to buy resources from anyone who’s not minimally acceptable to the people of their own country. That doesn’t touch on whether the government in other countries has the right to rule. It says nothing about whether the government can defend its borders or issue currency or postage stamps. That’s all for the people of the country to decide. But we have to decide whether it will be legal for us to buy their resources. The decision we make now leads to disaster for them and for us, and we should change our decisions so that we no longer buy the way we do now. Steve: So I think there’s clearly a precedent for this already in the divestment movement for South Africa when apartheid was still in place. Is there any reason specifically why you want to limit it to resources and not, for example, manufactured goods or other goods produced by that country? Leif: Yes. There’s two reasons. First, the resource curse is a widespread dysfunction in the political economy of major countries around the world. There are, of course, many problems with exploitation in garment manufacturing and so on, but those problems are often problems that accompany the development of countries out of the poverty that they’re in. By contrast, the resource curse is almost entirely negative. The resource curse really does hold countries back from the paths that non-resource rich countries take. So Michael Ross, a great scholar of the resource curse, opened his book this way, that the major oil exporting countries outside the West today are no richer, no freer, and no more peaceful than they were even 50 years ago. Leif: So think about the great progress of China and India in that time. Major oil exporting countries are still no richer, no freer, and no more peaceful than they were even back in the ’70s and ’80s. So the resource curves really does hold countries back. And the solution to the resource curse is already embedded in treaties that almost every country has signed up to. We don’t need to invent a new legal regime to solve the resource curse. If you look at Article One of both of the main human rights treaties, it just contains the solution to the resources curse. These treaties say that all peoples may for their own ends freely dispose of their natural wealth and resources. So the resources of every country should be basically under the control of the people of that country. Everybody has signed those treaties, 98% of the people in the world live in a country that’s signed one or the other of those treaties. So the problem is especially bad around resources, and the solution is one that’s widely believed and ready to go right now as a matter of international law. Steve: I think some people might say that aside from whether we buy the oil from these countries, maybe we should stop propping up our own puppet governments in those countries to allow us to extract the oil. It seems like a lot of these countries, look at the Saudi regime, it’s only there because the United States is supporting it. And it’s maybe to our benefit to have them there as a stable source of oil for us and our allies. So not only are we not behaving in this ethical way in choosing who to buy the oil from, we’re literally putting in place these non-democratic, autocratic regimes because it’s convenient for the United States to run these countries for us. Leif: That’s right. I very much agree with that. And I could even state it in a way that policy makers should pay attention to. So it’s absolutely right that we should be in favor of democratic governance around the world, but even for our own national security interests, we should stop propping up autocratic governments just for the sake of oil. If you look at the history of the Middle East, we’ve tried that experiment many times and it’s always failed. One way or another, when we try to prop up an oil exporting regime it ends up biting us back. And when you talk about Saudi Arabia these days, I really am concerned. You see the Crown Prince, and in some ways he’s a reformer, but it’s also now one of the most repressive times in Saudi history. He’s really consolidating power in his own hands and seriously cracking down on domestic dissent. Leif: When you look at the Crown Prince in Saudi Arabia right now, it just reminds us of other episodes in the Middle East. Two come to mind. Think of the Shah of Iran. As you suggest, we reinstalled the Shah after helping to overthrow the democratically elected government of Iran in 1953. And the Shah was our man in Tehran for 25 years. The Shah helped us fight the Cold War against the Soviet Union, he put down regional disturbances, he gave us oil and votes for Israel when the rest of the Arab world was turning against us. We got 25 really good years out of the Shah, who was a progressive, modernizing, Western facing ruler. But he was extraordinarily repressive. And because he was so repressive he was overthrown by the people, leading to the Ayatollahs. And so for the last 40 years we’ve had an extraordinarily anti-American regime in the Middle East who has countered American interests at every turn. Leif: So 25 years of good under the Shah turned to 40 years of a seriously antagonistic regional hegemon. That didn’t go well. And neither did the next friend we took in the Middle East, who also reminds me of the Saudi Crown Prince, who’s Saddam Hussein. Saddam Hussein was our next friend in the region. He helped to fight the Ayatollahs next door. We gave him intelligence, where the Iranian troops were when he was going to launch his chemical weapons strikes. In return- Leif: He was going to launch his chemical weapons strikes. In return, he bought our weapons and our agricultural goods. Thomas Friedman said that Saddam Hussein was a thug and a bully, but he was our thug and our bully. And again, for years, he advanced our interest in the region until one night he made a bad judgment and destabilized the Middle East by invading Kuwait in 1990. Leif: And after that, all of our relations with Iraq just turn disastrous. We had an invasion, and then sanctions and then another invasion and then ISIS, and now the essentially failed state that we’re helping to prop up. Whenever we try to ally with an oil field autocrat, eventually things go bad. Leif: So now in Saudi Arabia, we see a very oppressive, repressive young man whose judgment seems to be poor. He started this disastrous war, which he seems to be losing in Yemen, which has strengthened Iran’s position in the region. And this journalist, Khashoggi, killed as far as we can tell, which was a public relations disaster that really limited foreign investment in this country. Leif: So I really worry about Saudi Arabia. If his balloon bursts, in the Middle East things get much worse than they ever were after the Shah or after Saddam. Steve: Could I tease that apart a little bit? It seems like there’s sort of two separate claims here. So there’s one claim, let’s imagine I’m only interested in the good of Americans. And there’s a claim that in the long run, we end up behind by supporting nasty autocratic regimes even if they seem useful to us in the short run. And in this analysis, I’m putting aside entirely the utility of the people who live in Iraq or Saudi Arabia. Steve: Suppose I’m only concerned about Americans. I think you’d get a lot of pushback if you said that kind of selfish, real politic is always a loser for the empire. I think a lot of people would say, “No, actually, it’s a winner for the empire. It sometimes loses, but on that, actually, that’s the way empires should behave if all they care about is the utility of their own citizens.” So there’s one claim there, which is totally independent of whether you care about the man on the ground in Nigeria or the average Iranian or Iraqi person, but there already, I think there are people who would push back on empirical basis, just saying that you’re too, shall we say, idealistic or optimistic about what America should do. For its own sake in the world. Leif: I’m happy to have that empirical argument. I think the costs really are significant and we could get the benefits from relations with countries in the Middle East without bearing those costs. If we did insist, as we are loath to do, that these governments become more accountable to their own people. Leif: Now, when I say insist, I don’t mean invade. Insisting through invasion has worked out very poorly for us. By insist, I mean just telling these governments, “We will no longer buy your oil until you are accountable to your own people.” There are reformers, real reformers, democratic reformers, outside the palaces and inside the palaces in these countries. If we peacefully, responsibly, give our support to the reformers, they can make the changes that would improve relations between us and them. We could get the gains from these countries, the benefits to American citizens without bearing the tremendous costs that we’ve born in the Middle East over the last 40 50 years Steve: Is the claim, this particular claim, is it specific to oil and resources? Or for example, if I said, “Well, we supported fairly autocratic regimes in South Korea and Taiwan for quite a while, which then gradually evolved into modern democracies, and that was okay.” Would you say that you’re sure that that can’t be true for an oil producing country as for those countries? Leif: Let’s say there’s a very strong tendency, and it is specific to oil and other high-value natural resources. Let me put it this way: oil is the largest source of unaccountable power in the world. Because our laws say “might makes right,” whoever can keep control over some holes in the ground gets a huge funnel of money coming in from the world. And that money goes directly into their hands and it’s entirely unaccountable power. Leif: So for an autocratic regime, oil is better than foreign aid because it comes with no strings attached. Oil is better than loans from banks because you never have to pay the money from oil back. And oil is better because it comes in without any accountability to the citizens of your country. If you can control the oil wells, you have a very large revenue stream, which comes to you regardless of whether your people are healthy or educated or productive. Leif: As long as you have that money, you can continue to repress the population and buy off threats year after year. You don’t need to develop your economy as the non-oil countries you’ve mentioned did, which eventually gives the people power and leads to democratic reforms. Leif: One of the reasons that oil is such dangerous stuff is that it gives autocrats the power to stay in office independently of their people. They have the power to keep their people down and the people have no economic or political base to resist them. Steve: Right. I think I understand that line of reasoning. It’s certainly plausible. I just don’t know how confident one can be in it. Let me give the example of Saudi Arabia. Just recently, I’ve been invited to a couple of big AI meetings in Saudi Arabia, which are sponsored by [MBS 00:52:08] and he’s trying very hard to modernize the country. I don’t want to portray myself in any way as a supporter of him, I was just invited to these conferences so I spent some time in Riyadh. I was kind of amazed to meet some young Saudis who claimed the situation has improved tremendously in the country under MBS and women can go around not wearing a veil. So some people are kind of optimistic at what he’s trying to do. Steve: Certainly he is an autocrat. There’s no question about that. He probably did some nasty things to Mr. Khashoggi, but am I absolutely sure he’s not going to succeed in modernizing Saudi Arabia to the benefit of its citizens? And maybe even eventually transition to a more democratic society? It doesn’t seem I can rule it out. Leif: No, you can’t rule anything out in politics. But historical examples in the region should give us pause. Again, this Shah was a progressive, westernizing, modernizing leader. In terms of social progress, the Shah made many reforms that were very welcomed, especially to the urban elites. But like [inaudible 00:53:21], the Shah was extraordinarily repressive to his enemies and to his own people in terms of their political dissent. And I have to say, I don’t trust his judgment overall. Leif: So he’s getting a gigantic amount of power in his own hands. He seems not to be using it well on the biggest geopolitical issues around him. He could learn and he could democratize. I hope he does. Let’s say, I hope he does. The risks are extremely high. If Saudi Arabia, the biggest oil country in the world, becomes destabilized the economic consequences are really going to become very serious. So nothing’s impossible in politics, but the risks are very serious. Steve: But for the line that you like to draw, are both Saudi Arabia and Russia on the wrong side of it? You would suggest we don’t buy oil from those countries. Leif: That’s right. And a serious question, how you draw that line. The line you want to draw is which countries are minimally accountable to their own people? And I do mean “minimally.” Luckily, there’s many good metrics of governance that have been established for a long time around the world. So Freedom House has one, the World Bank has one, the Economist has one. Leif: My organization, Clean Trade, has put together a metric of metrics to cancel out the biases and we draw the line very, very low. So for example, Nigeria is well above the line. Even Kuwait is above the line. It’s only the really worst of the worst unaccountable regimes that are below the line. Because of the resource curse, I’m sorry to say, that’s a great deal of the world’s oil. Steve: And do you have any economists or oil traders that could suggest what the world would actually look like if the largest economies stopped buying oil from, for example, Saudi Arabia and Russia? Leif: Yes. In fact, I asked former Vice President of BP what would happen if North America and Europe decided to stop importing oil from all the countries below the line. And at first I just gave him the list of countries. And he said, “Really? Do you want us to stop importing oil from Russia and from Qatar and Saudi Arabia and Algeria?” And I said, “Yeah, what would be the economic consequences?” He went away and he thought about it for awhile. And he came back with different answers for North America and for Europe. Leif: So for North America, it would be no problem. We don’t import much oil anymore. The barrels we just shift around, we could probably do it within a matter of months. You’d have to change around some refinery processing, but relatively small amounts of money for North America to stop importing authoritarian oil. Leif: For Europe, the picture is different because of the dependence of Europe on Russian energy in particular. This vice president, Nick Butler, thought that it would take five years and tens of millions… I’m sorry, tens of billions of euros for Europe to disengage from Russian and Qatari and Algerian energy. So the Norwegians would have to step out productions. You’d have to join up the pipeline network in Europe and make it run both ways and so on. It’s serious costs. Tens of billions of euros is not nothing. But compared to what we’re seeing now in the COVID crisis, or even for national defense, those sums are not unreasonable. Steve: Yeah. I think it would not be cheap given the problems Trump has had in trying to get the Europeans, the Germans for example, to abandon this pipeline from Russia. I think that carries natural gas, if I’m not mistaken. And trying to get them to buy our liquified natural gas instead of theirs. Leif: That’s right. Steve: It seems to me geopolitically, the big winners would be China and some East Asian economies, because if they decided not to stop buying oil from those sources, I think they would just end up getting energy much more cheaply than they currently do. Leif: That’s correct. So the big question is if the West goes clean trade, what will China and India do? And you might think that it’s great for them for the reason you suggest, that they would get a lot of cheap energy, especially from the Middle East. If we’re not buying the Middle Eastern oil than they will, and they’ll get a better price. Leif: That might seem so, but look at it from the perspective, say, of the Chinese leadership. Do they really want to be dependent longterm for their primary energy supply on a region which seems to be destabilizing and into which they cannot project military power? So basically, does ISIS 2.0 end up being China’s problem or not? China is not going to make any moves for the sake of democracy in other countries, obviously. Longterm strategic interests of China, might it be in their interest to announce, and I just mean “announce,” that sometime in the future, maybe 10 years down the road, they will no longer be buying oil from any regime that’s not minimally accountable to its own people? The announcement in itself will very likely be enough to encourage the reformers and the countries that I mentioned before. And as much chance as we have of transition to better governance in those countries, that’s the best chance. Corey: Yes, Steve. I don’t want to question your premise too hard, but it’s just not clear to me that supporting Saudi Arabia longterm has really helped us out all that much. I think we can make a pretty good case that a lot of the problems we faced, including 9/11, originated in Saudi Arabia. A lot of extremism from Islamic radicals has been inspired if not directly supported by Saudi Arabia. Corey: And it’s interesting, hopefully we’ll get to this in a few minutes, but there are arguments that Russia and Saudi Arabia are doing what they can during the current crisis to push oil prices as far down as they can to basically tank the US shale industry. Leif: Sure. Corey: And knock it out. So it’s just not clear that even if you’re pursuing us interest, the best thing to do is to prop up the Saudi regime. Steve: Well, I think we may have benefited for a long time from literally controlling most of Middle Eastern oil. Right? That was our goal. That was our main geopolitical goal in that region. So A, it might’ve been a complete mistake and maybe on some different trajectory of history, we ended up better off, but I know plenty of people whose profession is to do this kind of thing and they seem convinced that we did what we had to do. I’m not saying I agree with them, but I don’t think you’re going to easily sway a lot of these people. Steve: where it’s going in the future is quite an interesting question. I mean, yes, you’re right. It’s interesting, when I was at this meeting… They have a very large sovereign wealth fund that has an annual meeting in the fall, which all the top capital allocators go to, all the biggest private equity funds and hedge funds are there trying to get allocations. And the meeting, which had a separate section on AI that I was a part of, was part of this broader thing. Steve: And the interesting thing, it was very much like the Cantina scene from the first Star Wars movie. So as you just stood in these gigantic buildings where the meeting was held, I think it was a Ritz Carlton, you could point and say, “Well, those are the Chinese tech companies. Those are the Russian spies. Those guys are CIA. Those guys are money-guys from Europe. Those are money-guys from New York. Those are Silicon Valley guys.” You could just point at the different alien species that were there. Steve: So Saudi right now is one of the most interesting places in the world from that perspective, as a crossroads of geopolitical competition. Because you have Huawei there selling their stuff, wiring up their telcos. You have Americans trying to maintain control. You have Russians, you have everything. So where it’s going to go, I don’t know. And you might be right about them trying to drive the US out of the oil business. Corey: So I’d like to get your take on the implications of the current crisis for countries where oil is essentially a dominant source of income. So places like Botswana and Nigeria, maybe Indonesia, other places like that, that are relying on oil for a significant portion of their budget. What happens when oil is trading around zero or below zero as it was about a week and a half ago? Leif: So it’s an amazing time in the oil business. No one’s ever seen anything like it. All of these very sophisticated oil analysts, their jaws are just dropping. Day after day after day, low prices, negative prices, huge wave of supply [meeting 00:16:30], crushed demand. Leif: You think about this in academic terms. What if the 50 leading academic philosophers started publishing their work at limericks? You would be absolutely astonished. And that is what it’s like being in oil today. The impact of low prices will depend on the nature of the oil exporting country and on how long the price dip lasts. Leif: As you suggested, for the poorest countries, this is a real problem. Think about Nigeria, gigantic country, biggest in Africa. By 2050, will probably be more populous than the United States. Here we have Nigeria, already so many problems with governance, its budget is being wrecked by the dip and oil prices at the same time as it has to ramp up to try to protect against the virus. Leif: It’s really challenging times. The main question about governance comes from the two big countries that did the most to spark the oversupply, and that Saudi Arabia and Russia. These are countries with very, very large national reserves, as Steve mentioned. Saudi Arabia has a gigantic sovereign wealth fund. So the leadership in these countries thought that they could flood the world with oil, do real damage to the American oil producers, put a lot of them out of business and then grab the market share. They thought that they would have sufficient reserves to keep hold of their own governance while this strategy was unfolding. And so far, that seems to be correct. They seem to be doing okay. Leif: If the price keeps low for a long time, or if they have to spend significant amounts of money taking care of the virus and broader parts of their economy in the longterm, then we might see the governments in Saudi Arabia and even Russia starting to become shakier. Leif: So only time will tell, but in the wild world of oil, this is one of the wildest times and no big oil producer can feel entirely secure. Corey: So we’re getting to the end of our time with you. Steve, do you have any more questions on this topic before we return to philosophy? Steve: No. Just to recap, I think it’s a fascinating proposal that the decision as whether to buy oil from countries be conditioned on at least some weak measurement of their quality of governance, benefits to their people. I think that’s a not-unreasonable thing. And it’s something maybe that democracies in the West could come around to feeling that way in the next few decades. I wouldn’t be that surprised if something like that were to happen. It’s not any crazier than carbon taxes and things like that. Corey: So, Steve reminded me of a question that I meant to ask, which is, what kind of reception did you get for these proposals? I think the last time I actually heard you speak was your Econ talk about a year ago. And I think at the time you said you’d been meeting with members of Congress about your proposal. So I’d like to get a sense of the reaction you’ve gotten from members of Congress, from the campaigns. I assume that perhaps at the very least Sanders campaign would be sympathetic. You had any success in getting inroads into the Trump administration? Leif: So let me say first thing, Clean Trade, the organization that formed around the work of [blood 01:06:23] oil, is an entirely nonpartisan organization. We think that clean Trade legislation is so obviously in the national interest and in the interests of our allies and our partners that we believe that all parties should support the legislation. We did do a lot of [inward 01:06:43] activity to Congress. We found that the people who are most receptive were, on the one hand, on the human rights side. And on the other hand, on the national security side. The closer we got to people who understood US longterm national security interests, the more receptive they were to our message. Leif: The Trump administration as such has its own agenda. And Clean Trade is not one of the things that they’ve decided to prioritize. We’ve had successes in other places. For example, there’s a Clean Trade bill that’s now live in the Senate of Brazil, the largest country in South America, the biggest country in the world. Brazil is considering the bill that would ban all imports of authoritarian oil and ban its national oil company from signing any new contracts with authoritarian regimes. Leif: You might wonder why Brazil is considering that kind of bill at the moment. Brazil, as you know, has had a lot of trouble with corruption in the past few years. And this bill would be a very strong signal to the world that Brazil was taking progressive action against corruption. This would be a strong signal of a new way of doing business in Brazil. Leif: And that might actually be a chance for me to mention how I think change happens on issues like this. I mean, things like apartheid, how the change happened there, it seemed impossible until it’s happened. My view is that change happens when sharp people do all the research they need to get a proposal ready to go and then start pushing on it. And a lot of times when people get skilled up and have a proposal ready to go, well, nothing happens for a while. Leif: Let me give you an example. 20 years ago, a lot of people were concerned about blood diamonds. There was a terrible civil war in Sierra Leone, for example, that was killing a lot of people and activists got skilled up and propose that- Leif: And activists got skilled up and proposed that we no longer buy diamonds from armed groups. And it got a little bit of traction in Congress. But, essentially, it was a distant war amongst Africans and no one really cared. And the proposal got nowhere. But the activists kept pushing and then the window of opportunity opened. And, as it happened, just by chance, that window was 9/11. Leif: After 9/11, it was found that blood diamonds from Sierra Leone had passed through the hands of Charles Taylor of Liberia into the possession of Al Qaeda. Al Qaeda realized that its assets would be frozen after the 9-11 attacks. And diamonds, of course, are the best way to store value outside of the financial system. Once blood diamonds were found in the possession of Al Qaeda, then blood diamonds became a level one national security priority, not only for the United States, but for European governments as well. And, within 18 months, every major government in the world had passed some sort of blood diamond ban. So, the activists had their stuff ready to go. They pushed. The window of opportunity opened. They got their stuff in place. And it became the new normal. Leif: Now that was diamonds, but you see this happening again and again, even on issues as big as oil. So, maybe 15 years ago, activists realized that one of the problems around oil is it is one of the most opaque businesses in the world. All the oil goes out to these big countries. All the money comes in. But the citizens of the country have no way of knowing how much money the government is getting for their country’s oil. So, the activists started pushing for transparency. That is, if any American company buys, produces oil, it has to tell everybody how much it paid to the government to do that. Leif: And, of course, that transparency was very much resisted by the oil industry. The activists got a couple senators on their side, but the oil industry was very strong. And the bill didn’t even get out of the committee. But they kept pushing. And then, a window of opportunity opened. And, as that happened, just by chance, that window this time was Deepwater Horizon. Remember that terrible oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico that killed 11 people? It was a terrible tragedy. But a silver lining was that the oil industry was toxic for that summer of 2010. And the lobbyists couldn’t get their phone calls returned in Washington. Leif: So, then the activists started pushing again. They got their senators to reintroduce the bill. And it eventually became part of the [inaudible 01:11:48] reform of 2010. And overnight, we had transparency for American oil companies. Leif: The great moral of that story that goes on is that, once one country moves, other countries followed. So, as soon as America insisted on transparency for its oil companies, well then the Europeans insisted on the same, Canada insisted on the same. Now most of the ma

4. juni 2020 - 1 h 29 min
episode Michael Kauffman on Cancer, Drug Development and Market Capitalism – #48 cover

Michael Kauffman on Cancer, Drug Development and Market Capitalism – #48

Steve and Corey speak with Dr. Michael Kauffman, co-founder and CEO of Karyopharm Therapeutics, about cancer and biotech innovation. Michael explains how he and Dr. Sharon Schacham tested her idea regarding nuclear-transport using simulation software on a home laptop, and went on to beat 1000:1 odds to create a billion dollar company. They discuss the relationship between high proprietary drug costs and economic incentives for drug discovery. They also discuss the unique US biotech ecosystem, and why innovation is easier in small (vs. large) companies. Michael explains how Karyopharm is targeting its drug at COVID-induced inflammation to treat people with severe forms of the disease. RESOURCES * Transcript [https://manifoldlearning.com/episode-048#transcript] * Michael Kauffman [https://www.karyopharm.com/person/michael-kauffman-m-d-ph-d/](Bio) * Karyopharm’s Publications and Presentations [https://www.karyopharm.com/technology-and-research/publications-and-presentations/] * The Great American Drug Deal: A New Prescription for Innovative and Affordable Medicines [https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/50547679-the-great-american-drug-deal] by Peter Kolchinsky TRANSCRIPT Friends of Manifold: Please be aware that this transcript was generated by an automated process. The machine sometimes confuses speakers, among other things. Please email manifld@msu.edu [manifld@msu.edu] if you notice any corrections that need to be made.Corey: Our guest today is Michael Kauffman, Co-Founder and CEO of Karyopharm Therapeutics, which develops cancer drugs for the treatment of a variety of cancers, and has an approved drug Xpovio for resistant myeloma. The company is testing low doses of Xpovio in patients with severe COVID-19. Prior to Karyopharm, Michael was the Chief Medical Officer of Onyx Pharmaceuticals Incorporated, which acquired Proteolix Incorporated, where he led the development of Carfilzomib, a novel proteasome inhibitor. Corey: In 2002, he became CEO of Predix Pharmaceuticals, which was acquired by EPIX Pharmaceuticals in 2006. Michael led the combined company until 2008 when it went out of business after a failed phase three clinical trial in major depression. Prior to EPIX, he was leader of the Velcade development program at Millennium Pharmaceuticals, and held a number of senior positions at Millennium Predicted Medicine and Biogen. Just as the web was exploding in 1994, Michael created one of the first online medical textbooks. Michael received his MD and PhD from Johns Hopkins Medical School, and is board certified in internal medicine. Welcome to Manifold, Michael, Michael: Thank you very much, Corey. It’s great to be here. Corey: I have to say that when COVID hit, and we began thinking about possible guests to have on the show, to discuss issues related to the pandemic, you’re one of the first people I thought of, but I knew your cancer guy. I had a sense you might have something up your sleeve when it comes to COVID. And after getting in touch with you turned out that I was right. So, I want to go back to your background because I think it’s pretty interesting. And, our readers have a sense of what it’s like perhaps to start companies in tech, but don’t think our reader, our listenership is very well informed about what’s likely to start up some biotech. Corey: So, I want to start with your current company and then backtrack if we could, and talk a little bit about, how you started previous companies and how you got to the point where you’re at. What does Karyofarm do? Michael: So, Karyofarm was started initially by my wife, who had left her previous company, and wanted to come up with something that approached cancer from an entirely new way. And it was applicable not to one type of cancer, but potentially to many types of cancer. So, she began reading the medical and scientific literature. And, after reading a lot of stuff and coming up with four or five ideas, all of which I killed. She came up with this idea to attack the protein export and one, which was from a rapidly emerging new field of nuclear cytoplasmic transport in the cell, and seemed to be relevant across many cancers. And her idea was to create new small molecule drugs that would block this protein, and could inhibit the growth of cancer cells specifically without really hurting normal cells. Corey: So, there’s a lot in that statement Michael. Our listenership is very sophisticated, and we have a lot of scientists. And our general approach is that we don’t simplify things. We state things as precisely as they can be scientifically. And then we explain in detail some of the concepts. So, let’s begin with cancer as a disease to treat. Why is it so hard to treat cancer, and give us an idea of how you came to approach cancer, the way your wife came up with? Michael: Yeah. So, obviously there are many different types of cancer, but what all cancers have in common is that they’re uncontrolled proliferation growth of different cell types. And depending on where the cancer started, you get different cell types. But, basically the cells behave in a way that is focused only on their own existence and not on being part of a multi-cellular, multi-system organism. And what we know from cancer is sort of the pillars of hallmarks of cancer, if you will. And this is Steve Weinberg’s conception of it. Michael: And one of those major pillars of cancer is that there are certain alterations of our normal cell processes. There are about six different major pillars. And cancer is really tough to treat is because all of these six alterations are actually pretty similar to what we do in the normal circumstances. And in particular, cancer has co-opted a lot of the different functions that we use during stress responses, that we use during infections, that we use during appropriate inflammatory responses, wound healing, and even embryogenesis. Michael: And when you start to interfere with the processes of cancer, you end up interfering with normal cell processes, and ending up with the kinds of side effects that we get. It’s very different from treating other diseases, especially infections, where you’re dealing with a completely unusual different agent. And in fact, the farther away from us those agents are in terms of evolution, the easier it is to treat them typically. Michael: We have some really good antiviral agents. We’ve cured Hepatitis C virus. We have great anti HIV drugs. We have decent drugs against the herpes viruses and so on. We can treat most bacterial infections. In fact, we can treat almost all bacterial infections. And the predictions of total disaster with bacteria have largely not come through because we’re really good at coming up with novel ways to treat them. We’re a little less good at treating parasites and fungi, mostly because those types of cells are eukaryotic in nature as opposed to prokaryotic or viruses. And, they’re just closer to us. Michael: Cancer represents a disease that is so cloned that normal cells do, that coming up with truly insightful ways to treat it, requires a lot more clever approaches and is more subtle if you will than treating infectious diseases. Corey: I think most people are familiar with the idea that cancers result from genetic mutations that cause cells to reproduce uncontrollably. Now, when you said there’s six different ways in which cancers develop, you mean six different classes of mutations, is that a proper way of thinking about it? Or six different.. How would you connect the general sense of cancer is a result of genetic mutation leading to runaway cell growth with the six different forms of cancer or at least origins that you mentioned? Michael: They’re usually characterized as hallmarks and it’s a little bit, this is us applying our own sort of classification systems to things that evolved over a long time. But the genetic mutations are involved essentially in all six of these different hallmarks of cancers. One of the main hallmarks is mutations in genes that control growth in the sense that they drive growth. So, growth driving genes, which are very appropriate when you have a wound that has to heal. You better make sure that cells are able to divide, and create new cells to cover over the wound and take care of things. Michael: It’s the same thing when you have a broken bone, when we get into trouble with various organ injuries, recovering and so on. So, those kinds of proteins, when they are mutated end up leading to uncontrolled growth under a cancerous situation, whereas under normal circumstances, they do things that are very important. It turns out a lot of those same proteins, proteins like Smac and the Src family of kinases and so on and so forth. All of these proteins are important in embryogenesis. That’s how we get from being a two celled fertilized egg into becoming a multicellular organism. Michael: These are the a lot of the same proteins that drive the rapid growth and development leading to eventually in most cases, a normal birth after nine months of pregnancy. You need all that stuff. Now that’s one aspect of mutation that occurs in cancer and it’s bad. Corey: So, it just hijacks these natural cellular processes in some way? Michael: That’s right. It turns them on forever. So, there’s no way to turn them off. Corey: Got it. Can you give us an example of… Let’s take myeloma you’re focusing on. What’s a typical pathway for my myeloma to develop from a normal cellular process. Michael: Right? Well, so for myeloma itself, there’s actually a lot known about the normal side of the processes that are co-opted. One of them has to do with these kinds of changes. For instance, Bcl-2, the Bcl-2 so called oncogenes. Bcl-2 was named for B cell lymphoma, second gene that was important in its genesis. But it turns out to be important in some forms of myeloma. And when you mutate that gene, you end up with a set of plasma cells. That is the cells that produce antibodies in your body that become myeloma. Michael: They become cancerous plasma cells. And in mutation in this gene seems to drive that particular form of myeloma. Now there’s another form of myeloma, a subtype that involves a separate set of genes. And those are called tumor suppressor genes. We have about 20 different tumor suppressor genes who are named because they do what the name says, which is when your body has a mutation that leads to cancer, we have a bunch of genes whose job it is to prevent that cancer from ever really growing. Michael: So, all of us every day come up with cancerous mutations. This is a normal process, it’s part of our DNA replication. We have three billion base pairs in our genomes every time our cell divides, it makes 500 or a thousand errors in that division. Some of those errors would be cancer causing, but we never get cancer most of us. And the reason for that is we believe is because there are about 20 different genes, and they code for proteins whose job it is to make sure that we don’t develop cancer. Those tumor suppressor proteins act as auditors’ for our cellular DNA. Michael: So, when you’re having mutation in DNA and the genes change, you have another set of orders or placement If you will, whose job it is to detect the changes, and either repair the changes, or if there are too many bad changes to tell that cell to commit suicide. These are tumor suppressor proteins. The best known is p53. It’s also called the guardian of the genome, and it literally guards your genome. Now, one of the funniest realizations or one of the most obvious ones now, realizations that Dr. Sharon Shacham, my wife, who founded the company had was that, in order for these tumor suppressor proteins to work, they have to be in the cell nucleus. Michael: And, this was known. But, when I say it was known, it was one of those facts that was around, but nobody really talked about it. The reason these tumor suppressor proteins have to be in the nucleus is because they’re looking at the DNA. And that’s where the DNA is. Cancer cells have figured out that if you just transport these tumor suppressors out of the nucleus, they stopped working. And what Sharon realized was that there’s a single transporter for all 20 of these major tumor suppressors. Corey: So, Michael, one question. If these proteins have to be in the nucleus to function, why would they ever be transported at the nucleus in the first place? Michael: Well, in order to do the audit, and this gets a little bit of an analogy, but I think it actually works. When you have your books audited, if you’re having your accounting books audited, you have to stop the transactions. You can’t go in and audit something while there’s active transactions going on. So you freeze the books if you will. The same thing the cell does, in order for the cells DNA to be audited, it’s cell cycle has to stop. So, every time the cells undergo this audit process, they come to a halt, their replication stops, and they are audited. Michael: If you ever want them to start replicating again, and in fact doing many of the normal things that they do, you have to release this block. Tumor suppressor proteins by their nature, induce cell stoppage. They block the cell cycle. That’s a normal process, so that the audit can be carried out. If you never let these tumor suppressors out of the nucleus again, the cell will never be able to divide again, and we’ll stop doing the things that it needs to do. And, the belief is that you can’t have one without the other. If you’re going to have an audit, you can’t be doing your normal cell functions, a normal cell division. Corey: So, describe Sharon’s realization then. She found a drug that kept these proteins in the nucleus? Michael: Exactly by blocking so, so what her eureka moment, and it’s one of the simple elegant solutions that you say it’s either really right or really wrong, and we can test it. And she said to me, well, every time I read about one of these tumors suppressors like p53, BRCA1, the gene that’s involved in hereditary breast cancer and so on, p21, p27 a lot of these proteins. It turns out all of these tumor suppressor proteins are chaperoned or escorted out of the nucleus by a single carrier molecule called exports in one. Michael: Now that may sound obvious and maybe by known a little bit. But, when you realize that there are eight different export chaperones, when biology decided that one and only one protein should be in charge of exporting tumor suppressors, as well as a bunch of other proteins. But the fact that all 20 tumor suppressor proteins are escorted by the same protein out, suggested that there were some deep biology here. And what she realized is if you could design a drug that absolutely specifically inhibited XPO1 only, and none of the other seven transporters and none of the other important proteins with the cell, then we would have a chance to restore these tumor suppressors into the nucleus. Michael: In cancer cells, they would look at the DNA and figure out that these cells should commit suicide. In normal cells. The tumor suppressor cells would go in the nucleus stop cell division, but realize that everything was fine. And when the drug went away, the export block goes away and those cells could continue. But again, back on the cancer cells, if we block nuclear export of tumor suppressors, the tumor suppressors accumulate in the nucleus, they look at the cell, they determine it’s cancerous, and they initiate cell suicide called apoptosis. Corey: Once Sharon had this realization, what was the next step? Michael: So, first thing to do was to try to prove it quietly, prior to any sort of patent filings or anything, we had to invest some money. We put about a half million dollars of our own money into it. And she went through her secret sauce as a drug discoverer, and her trainings in biophysical chemistry was to obtain the three dimensional structure of this protein, which ironically happened within about a month of her coming up with the idea. It was literally about March 2010, that she actually thought of this idea. Michael: And in April, the 3D structure of export and one was published on the public databases by Human shotgun and some other people down at UT Southwestern, Human Chuck we’ve subsequently worked with a lot, but, she downloaded the coordinates of the protein. And she set off on her computer based algorithm. This is a combination of commercial software plus our secret sauce that she had developed in a previous company, in her PhD thesis, and looked for small molecule drugs, just standard chemicals that would inhibit this particular protein. Michael: And this computer based algorithm really allows looking at 3 million compounds that are commercially available across the entire world, quickly on a computer, narrowing it down to literally 55 zero compounds, which we could purchase. Corey: So, I want to get sense, Michael, this is purely simulation, right? You’ve got a sense of the 3D structure of these molecules, and you’re simulating their interaction with this transport molecule. Michael: Exactly. This is like a lock and key. We think of drug discovery as, the protein represents the lock. And the drug is sort of the key in not to open the protein in this case, but to block it. But that’s the goal. Corey: So, how can you tell this from simulation? What exactly were you visualizing? Not simply binding to the protein, but how could you tell it was blocking it? Michael: So, that’s a great question. It turns out that most small molecules that bind to proteins, not all, but most turn out to be inhibitors. So, you’re quite right. All we were doing was actually looking for energy minimization regions where the energy of binding would be minimized, which would be maximal binding finding. We couldn’t tell a priori if these were inhibitors or activators of the protein, what happened then was she actually ordered 50 compounds as I mentioned, from different chemical companies. Michael: We actually received them in our house. We stored them in our kitchen and our refrigerator literally. And we sent them off, we changed the name, she made codes. And, because you don’t want to tell the assaying company what you’re actually testing, because if it’s positive, you want to be able to move ahead now and file patents. So, we coded each of the chemicals sent them off to one of the standard places that do this. It turns out it was Thermo Fisher, a well known company, they were doing nuclear export assets. Michael: And lo and behold, about eight of these compounds showed significant blockade of nuclear transport in the Thermo Fisher asset. And the best compound represented a starting point for the company. Corey: What kind of cells are these components being tested in? Michael: So, the initial test is interesting. It could be almost any type of cell. I believe it was an osteosarcoma cell line to begin with. But, importantly it was an osteosarcoma cell line that expresses high levels of the HIV Rev, Rev protein, which is known to be an interactor with XPO1. So- Corey: Michael, stop for a second. Can we define a few of these terms? Michael: Sure. Corey: Osteosarcoma first, can you describe what cancer cell that is? Michael: Yeah. Osteo is for bone? So, this is a bone tumor. Sarcoma means a tumor of connective tissue. So, this case it’s a bone connective tissue tumor. It’s a fairly uncommon tumor thankfully. But, it’s a cell line that can grow very easily in the lab. It grows fast, it grows easily. It’s just an easy workhorse for these kinds of assets. And, somebody had transduced a gene, actually one of our collaborators from Harvard medical school, pam silver. Michael: One of the co-founders in our company had moved the gene for the HIV, the human immunodeficiency virus, Rev protein, Rev protein, which was known to be transported by XPO1. And in these cells, they had played around with it such that the cells express the rev protein only in the cytoplasm. But when you added an XPO one inhibitor, when you blocked a nuclear transport, the HIV Rev protein ended up in the nucleus. Michael: And, that way you could tell if you had a positive compound. Now, the reason we actually able to know this assay works is because about 20 years ago, someone had discovered a bunch of natural products that actually inhibit XPO1. And these are products that are made by cell bacteria. So, it’s an interesting evolutionary story that these cell bacteria use XPO1 to fight other, pardon me, cell fungi, to fight other fungi. Michael: And, it’s just evolutionary conserved. Corey: So, somehow these other cell bacteria, sorry fungi attacking these cell in a way that gets their tumor suppressors out of the nucleus? Michael: Well, it’s a little more subtle than that. I didn’t mean to make it more complicated, Corey: Sure. Michael: But, you asked me for the details. So, it’s a great story. We believe that evolution allow the development of these natural product inhibitors in order to prevent… Michael: Inhibitors in order to prevent competing fungi, if you will, from taking over. So in nature, of course, there’s always fighting going on, there’s always selection, et cetera. And a set of fungi had figured out that if they produce this particular toxin called leptomycin B, that leptomycin B could kill other fungi that we’re trying to get … take over their space, if you will. Michael: And this leptomycin B turns out to block export in one, and so natural product. It’s a nasty compound, it’s very toxic. People have done studies in animals before and they just makes the animals extremely sick or kills them. But leptomycin B serves as a nice tool in the laboratory to block this export one. The assay was developed by this Harvard researcher, Dr. Pam Silver, based on leptomycin B working in it. But no one had a drug yet, a real drug like compound that could actually block XPO1. And no one could really do any kind of cancer testing with leptomycin B because it’s just too toxic. It pretty much kills everything, But we had the assay. Michael: So you asked earlier, how do you develop a company? Well, you need to figure out a target and the target needs to have an assay where you can tell that you have inhibitors or activators of the target as the first step, and Sharon was able to do that. She was able to take the three million compounds from the world’s vast array of chemical libraries. By the way, this is the theory because you get it all on the computer. It’s all downloaded catalogs. It’s a lot cheaper than doing robotics and actual wet assays, one at a time. And she honed it down to 50 compounds of which eight actually worked, and the best one inhibited or blocked XPO1 transport somewhere around two or three micromolar, which means it took two or three micromolar to inhibit transport by about half. Corey: So give me some scale, Michael, two, three micromolar, give me a benchmark. Is that a lot, is that a little? Michael: Yeah. Corey: Compared to what? Michael: That’s a great starting point. Thanks. We take it for granted, the drug development industry, but anything that’s lower than 10 micromolar is considered a good start. Most drugs that block targets, especially in cancer, do so in the nanomolar range. So we had to improve things by about a thousand fold before we could get serious and start to go into significant animal testing and then human testing. But as a starting point, two to three micromolar was a very good starting point. And what we knew is we had to modify that, calm those chemicals then to do better. To get it down into the 10 to 20 nanomolar range was the goal. Corey: Got it. But before we hop in more, so we have a division of labor on this show. One of us tends to go into detail with our guests, the other’s the audience arm bits person. So I guess Steve, any questions at this point for Michael? Steve: Yeah. I have a couple of things that maybe the audience would like to hear about. One, this development, it sounds like, I think you mentioned storing things in your home. Was it not also covered under the university IP for these researchers? Was it done partially at university? Michael: No. Actually, the assay itself was never patented, which was interesting. Although Thermo Fisher sold it and it was available to anybody. The chemical compounds were available through catalogs throughout the world. And you cannot patent, at least not composition of matter patents, meaning you can’t patent chemical structures that already exist. You can attempt to patent new uses of those chemical compounds that already exist, but in pharmaceuticals we generally try to come up with completely novel compounds. Michael: Now, we always start with … we often start with existing compounds that are known, but we modify them to such an extent that it’s not obvious that you would get to a drug. So no, there were no actual patents in all this. And part of our early work when we started to have to get lawyers involved was to make sure that there were no competing patents and nothing we had missed. Steve: So this research, I guess, it sounds like a big chunk of it was just mainly informatical. Like looking at structures of molecules and doing some computer matching. Was it really done in someone’s house, like on someone’s Mac at home, or was there more of a laboratory infrastructure, but not at a university that was being utilized? Michael: No, this was truly an at home effort. As I like to say, the public records would show, we didn’t have any offices. I was the chief medical officer at the time at proteomics and NaNotics as Corey mentioned at the beginning. So I was running back and forth to San Francisco, we lived near Boston in Newton. And Sharon was working on this literally at our house on a PC. I don’t think Mac could run the software back then, but I think they can now. And it’s remarkable that what used to take a series of like 24 Sun Microsystems computers in parallel could be done on a laptop for these rather extensive binding curves or stimulations. We ordered the compounds and then we coded them at home, sent them off to Fisher Scientific and got the Thermo Fisher and got the results. This was all done before we ever had any office space. Steve: This sounds like a story where advancing compute technology and these databases that are publicly available are accelerating drug discovery. I always hear this story that the pace of drug discovery has really slowed down a lot of the big public companies, their pipelines are not what they used to be. Can you give us a better feeling for what’s actually happening in the world of drug discovery right now? Michael: Yeah. The problem is not so much that we can’t discover the drugs. The drugs are actually fairly linearly … it’s fairly easy to discover new chemicals. The problem has really been target identification. The key for all human diseases is figuring out what the right target or targets are to interfere with, either to block them or to augment them. And coming up with what we call biologically validated or physiologically validated targets for diseases is difficult. And that’s been the real tough part of all of medicine. A lot of the chemistry has been solved. We can make many compounds that even we couldn’t make before, but finding the right biological targets has been a tough thing. Steve: I’m not sure I understand that. This biological target step, is that something you have to do in mouse or something? Is that ahead of you guys or is ahead of the story that we’re at right now? Michael: Yeah, let’s take a step back. It’s a great question. There are about 30 … we believe there are about 30,000 human genes and making about 30 to 60,000 proteins. And you can argue about definition of proteins that are highly related and identical or close enough and so on. But there are somewhere around 30 to 60,000 proteins in your body. The goal of most medicines is to block one or two or three or four of them, or to augment one or two or three or four of those proteins. The trick is to find out what the right protein is to block. Michael: I’ll give a simple example. For HIV, we have over 30 drugs now I believe approved for HIV, and we have five or six different classes of drugs that attack HIV because they attack different parts of the HIV virus. Usually you give three of the drugs at one time, and that gives really good results, and it suppresses virus usually for many, many years. And when it stops working, you change to attack different other proteins in the HIV. Michael: Well, human diseases are a lot more complicated, right? HIV, we know the genome, we know all the different proteins involved in HIV, at least for the virus. But in most human diseases, we don’t know all the proteins that are actually involved in the pathogenesis or the development of these diseases. So we have to figure that out in two ways. One is we do all kinds of genetic manipulation on model systems. This gets published and you can read almost all these papers in Medline and so on. And there are many good colloquium and seminars and big meetings where we discuss new targets. Michael: So new target identification is usually done biologically with many different techniques, siRNA and so on and so forth. There’s just a lot of ways to try to figure out new targets. The problem is there’s no good model system really for humans except for humans. And the only real way to test most new drug targets is to make a drug that can go into humans. And actually put it into people and hope that your animal model and your test tube model, if you will, actually was relevant. The second part of our target validation really depends literally on pharmaceutical products. We don’t know that … we didn’t know, for example, that erythropoietin was important for the production of new red blood cells. Michael: We thought so because in animal models it is, but until we made synthetic erythropoietin and injected it into people and saw that their blood counts went up, we didn’t know that human would respond to erythropoietin. And this is the same thing over and over again. It’s one of the great difficulties in drug development. We have a lot of great ideas. We have a lot of great biological models systems that support those ideas. And you’ll often hear the cynical comment that we cured mouse cancer two decades ago, because mouse with cancer actually respond to different things that we do. And then we go and translate that into humans and only about 5% of the things that we think are going to work that worked in animals … they all worked in animals, but only about 5% of the things that worked in animals actually work in people. Steve: That was a great explanation. Can I just back up for one second. This basic idea of finding the molecular target or say finding a protein that you want to affect, with 30,000 to work with, but a very complicated organism like a human, how often is it the case that you have a clue that to cripple HIV you need to affect a particular protein, but that drug has tremendous side effects on other functions in the organism and you just have to abandon it for that purpose. Is that a common occurrence, or can you just get away with attacking or suppressing certain proteins and it only does the job you want without doing other things? Michael: Yeah. I know my infectious disease colleagues wouldn’t be thrilled with me. But I would say one of the reasons it’s easier to treat infectious diseases than it is cancer is because when you’re dealing with an entirely different organism, like a virus or a parasite or a fungus or bacteria, you know those organisms have proteins that are unique to those organisms and you can make drugs that target only those proteins in the offending organism. Steve: Got it. Michael: Now, many times the drugs that we make will, mistakenly will … and it’s the question you ask, “Are you sure that they’re working on the right thing?” But they also hit stuff you don’t want them to. And that’s the old case of, well, we made a great key and it opens that lock or it blocks that lock, but it also blocks a bunch of others that you didn’t want it to do. And again, we do animal testing and I believe we still need to continue to do that until we figure out a better way. We test our drugs on at least two different species before they ever get into humans because most of those compounds that are going to be toxic to humans are actually going to be toxic in animals also. Not all, but most. Michael: And we can eliminate maybe 20 or 30% of compounds right away from ever even getting into humans by testing in animals. We also have a bunch of assays because we don’t really want to test things on animals. We’d prefer to do it in test tubes. We have a bunch of preliminary assays in test tubes that can allow us to predict when drugs are going to be toxic. Many drugs never even get into animals because they fail these toxicity tests in the test tube, then they go to animals. And then in humans, we still have somewhere around a 10 to 20% rate of drugs that end up being too toxic for humans and don’t do the desired thing and therefore we have to abandon them. Steve: So just to emphasize a point that Michael made, which is that a cancer cell is actually a cell that’s operating in your body. And so to find a protein that interferes with some aspect of its function, it’s innately more dangerous than trying to do it to some invading virus cell or something, which is very different. I guess that was a good point to reinforce. In terms of the capital requirements to go from idea to actual drug, maybe you can describe for our audience, what do you need to do this preliminary level of testing? What do you need to actually get it into a trial where actually using humans? How does that look? Steve: One of the things that shocks entrepreneurs from other areas of technology is that in the drug discovery business companies IPO at a very early stage, before they’re ready to really market a product or sell anything to anyone … and I guess it’s largely on the promise of what they’re going to develop. And so I think the capital requirements stream is just very different in your industry than say what people in software are used to. Michael: Yeah. We unfortunately never find out if we have a product until the FDA blesses our product. And that’s typically anywhere between five and 10 years after it ever goes into people. Like you say, it really depends on selling an idea and people trying to read the tea leaves early on. You do have stages and there are stage gates and there’s different capital requirements as you get further along. Most drugs today cost … for the successes, the overall cost of most drugs today is somewhere around $2 billion before it actually … if you include all the failures, because in larger companies you have to do a lot of testing and you have to pay for the failures as well as the successes are the only things that pay for them. Smaller companies live or die on whether their drugs are successful or not. Michael: We spent about half a billion dollars before our drug was approved. And the hope by all investors is that eventually this will produce more value than we obviously ate up in that process. And I think it’s fair to say that that’s true. Our evaluation today is at least our enterprise value. So if you take the total value of the company and subtract the cash we have on hand, we’re about a billion dollar company, so we approximately doubled the investment now. But the expectation is that someday we’ll be a much bigger company as our sales increase and so on. The reason people continue to invest in this business is because the successes will really pay for things. Now, if you back off a little bit, it’s a little different than software, of course, and tech, where you have to actually produce something that works, get somebody to buy it, and then you really start to attract investors. Michael: What people do in our industry is they come up with good ideas. Sharon had a good idea. We didn’t have any academics that were associated. This was really her idea. We did bring in a couple of co-founders to get their expertise and advice and help and so on. I mentioned Dr. Pam Silver early on, we did a collaboration with the Catholic University of Leuven, KU Leuven who had some beautiful data in this field of nuclear cytoplasmic transport. We worked with human Chuck on x-ray crystallography in making sure that our drug bound to the protein where we thought it didn’t, and it turned out that worked out. But we had to spend about a million dollars total before we got our first big investor. That consisted of about a half a million dollars of our money in cash, plus about half a million dollars in promises to a whole bunch of people. From lawyers to assay developers to chemists that were working all on the hope and promise that the shares that we intended to issue them someday would be worth something. Michael: This is entrepreneurship. This is people who are getting up every morning and asking people to believe in them. And essentially working with blood and sweat equity to get into a company that frankly in biotech has, at the time we started the company, has one in a thousand chance of actually leading to a drug that ever gets approved. Those are the numbers, but it’s super cool when it works. And that’s why we have amazing new miraculous drugs so frequently these days. Is we have a lot of companies and we have a lot of people working on stuff, but most stuff doesn’t work. Steve: I’m sorry. Did you say one in a thousand or one in a hundred? I couldn’t hear you. Michael: From the time you come up with an idea and get started and put in capital, say more than a hundred grand, it’s about one in a thousand. Steve: Wow, that’s incredible. Michael: And by the time you even get into humans, just to bring it back to some of the numbers we talked about, if you’re in humans, you have about a one in 20 chance of being approved overall. One in two zero. So obviously your odds changed a lot. They went from 100,000 to one in 20, but they’re still not really great odds unless you have a strong stomach. Steve: Now, in terms of this first million, in your case, is that a somewhat unusual story? What is a typical source for the first million or two on a company like this? Michael: The stories are variable all over. We definitely were atypical because not only do we put … people put in their own money when they can. They get friends and family, sometimes they have what are called angel investors, and there’s a bunch of that kind of available thing around. But typically for a new idea … their also many new ideas come directly out of academic labs based on research and patent offices. And that can attract some academic funding and or NIH funding. And usually there has to be some proof of concept, either in a test tube or preferably an animal before you can get significant money to come in. Michael: And when I say significant money, in biotech that’s typically a series A fundraising. So the series A will come after the “founders” or “angel investors.” And the foundering investments or the grant money will typically be on the order of a quarter million to a couple of million dollars. But if you want to progress beyond that, you really have to start to get into the typically 10 to even 70, $80 million investments. Corey: And that’s where you typically raise a series A, Michael? Michael: That’s right. So we raise a series A a little bit unusually. This whole project was unusual. Sharon, in true entrepreneurial and Israeli spirit I would say, did cold emails to about 10 of the best cancer researchers in Boston. And obviously we have lots of great educational institutions here, and she wrote to a lot of great people. One in particular, Dr. Ron DePinho, who was running one of the major institutes at Dana-Farber Cancer Center and went on to become the president of MD Anderson Cancer Center. Ron wrote back to her immediately and said, “This is a fantastic idea. I kind of wrote about this a few years ago, but I didn’t really come to the right conclusion. I love it, and I want to be involved big time.” Michael: We met Ron and we were all very excited to work together. So Sharon and myself and Ron, and a couple of collaborators really got together. Several months after meeting Ron, he introduced us to one of his benefactors. One of the people that had donated money to the Dana-Farber that he knew, a multibillionaire named Wiaczeslaw Smolokowski, also known as Slava Smolokowski who was born in the Ukraine and lives primarily in Warsaw. We met Slava and he decided to invest $20 million in series A into the … Michael: Slava, and he decided to invest $20 million in Series A into the company, and this was an amazing meeting. Basically, Slava said, “If Ron believes in the science, I believe in it.” But Slava got his very good friend, a guy named Dr. Minz or Raza Mirza to be in the diligence. And Mansoor is actually the Head of Gynecologic Oncology in the University of Copenhagen. So Mansoor did the diligence on the company, Mansoor remains a board member of Karyopharm, and he’s been a great advisor for us going forward. So, we really put together a nice group of people in a somewhat unusual thing. Michael: Normally, you’ll get venture capital funding in the order of, like I said, about 10 to 80 million typical Series A, and the venture capitalists will come together, usually three or four of them, and they’ll join your board and you’ll have a very different kind of board than we did. We were lucky to have a single multi-billionaire investor along with his MD friend, and Ron DePinho, and his colleague, Julia [Driana 00:43:06], and myself, and Sharon. Steve: So, at some point, will there be a visit to the public markets in your future? Or can you go the whole way without doing that? Michael: No, it’s almost impossible. It took us about $15 million to get the drug into people, and it was lucky that the drugs started to show activity. We were a private company at that point, we had the one investment. We did a series B fundraising as the first glimpses that the drug might have activity and be tolerable occurred, and that was in 2012, late 2012. We raised about $42 million in a Series B fundraising, who was led by a friend of Slava’s. It’s one nice thing about wealthy people, they know other wealthy people who might be- Steve: They all know each other. Michael: They know each other. And this was [Grecia Yankelovich 00:00:44:04], and Grecia led that round. Slava came in, we had several other private individuals that came in. And we had our first venture capitalist come in to that round, it’s a woman I knew, [Deepa Paki 00:02:17] Nathan, who ran a partner at Delphi Ventures. Generally, venture capitalists are very, very bright people, they’re very driven, they’re very focused. It’s difficult though, because their focus is to make money and that’s appropriate, that’s their job, and that’s why people invest in their funds. Sometimes, that’s not commensurate with being able to do good drug development, it just makes it more difficult. Michael: But I’ve worked with Deepa before she was involved in proteomics in Onyx, and she joined our board. And as the data started to come in, we had more and more interest, because when you start to have patients who have refractory cancers, meaning cancers whose disease had progressed despite of the best therapy we have now. And we were giving them oral… Our drug is taken by mouth, it has some annoying toxicities, but nothing very dramatic. Corey: What are those toxicities? Before we go on? Michael: Yeah. We are not trying to sugarcoat it. These are truly side effects as opposed to devastating toxicities, for instance, your hair does not fall out. We cause nausea, we cause people to lose their appetite, we cause fatigue, and we cause lower counts of primarily of their platelets, which are the pieces of cells in your bloodstream that help you clot. It turns out all of these side effects that we cause are reversible, and most of them are actually preventable. We have a slew of really good medicines to prevent nausea. So, once we were starting to see nausea in our patients, we said, “The doctors should strongly consider giving the patient anti-nausea agents, either one or two.” And for the patients who got the anti-nausea agents, their nausea went away. Michael: For the fatigue, it’s a little tougher. A lot of the fatigue was turned out to be because their appetite was down. And we have, not only is it… You can have the conversation with folks, “Please try to eat, even when you’re not that hungry.” One thing is our drug… The anorexia, it goes away after a couple of months, but at the first two months, it can be really problematic. So we have drugs that stimulate appetite, and we gave those drugs and it prevented a lot of this, and then a lot of the fatigue went away. And for the patients who have low platelet counts, if you stop the drug, the platelet counts come back in two weeks and it’s fine. And luckily, most of the patients, nearly all, don’t have bleeding despite these low platelet counts, so that worked out. Michael: In addition, there are some new drugs that can help you boost your platelet counts. So, all of the cases of our side effects are reversible, almost all of them are reversible and don’t really form toxicities, as opposed to some of the major toxicities you get with chemotherapy, which can be nerve damage, low white counts leading to severe infections, and this sort of thing. So, we were starting to see good activity, and we attracted some more investors in what became a series B prime, we call it. Sort of a B two, if you will. We raised about another 15 or 20 million that was unexpected. And one thing you learned in biotech is you raise money when you can, because if you try to wait till when you need it, you end up generally hurting the company. Michael: And about a year after the series B, we were able to go public, take the company public. We had very nice clinical data in humans with refractory cancers, mostly in myeloma and lymphoma. And we did our IPO in 2013, and raised about $125 million there and have done several, what I call, secondary offerings since then, to the tune as I mentioned. We’ve raised today, I think as of most recently, we raised about $800 million. The drug was approved a year ago for a refractory myeloma and Corey mentioned that in the beginning. We had spent about $500 million from the time we started the company, until the actual approval and the first sale of Xpovio for patients with refractory myeloma. Steve: Thanks. So thanks for going into that, and I don’t know if Corey, that was part of your plan, but I think a lot of listeners are just interested, especially if they come from more of the software or IT side of entrepreneurship, myself included, don’t really understand how drug discovery entrepreneurship works, and what the funding processes look like, et cetera, et cetera. So, just to make a comment on it, I think it’s amazing because you’re talking about a multi-year extremely complex, extremely capital intensive process to bring a drug to market. And it is really an incredible feat of modern market capitalism that it can do this, right? I mean, it can marshal half a billion dollars and get a 100 MD, PhD type people working for almost a decade. It’s just nice to step back and marvel at it. Michael: Can I just add fuel to that fire? One of the most important things that modern capitalism and the US being absolutely the world’s leader, we’ve taken over from practically over other country now in new drug development. These are the miracles of modern day medicine. It’s astonishing what’s been able to be accomplished. These are extremely costly, they’re high risk, they’re crazy timelines like you said, but it is just a marvel that we can develop these compounds. We used to refer to the new antibiotics as Wonder Drugs. Michael: And really some of the new cancer drugs, giving people years when it used to be six months death sentences, and grueling therapies have turned into chronic therapies for a lot of people, and I appreciate you saying that. And I do want to say that I’m very proud to be part of this industry and being able to support this, because I think we all need to realize that the things we’re all inevitably going to need as we grow older, are going to come out of these crazy funding, capital, labor, intellectual power, intensive areas. Steve: Yeah. The software and other tech industry is very different because you know from the get-go, or very soon, whether the product actually could work. And it’s more a question of what is a market fit. Like, do people really want that app or that device or? So it’s a very different world. And less uncertainty and extending over, not usually not quite as long period of time. The question I wanted to ask is the following, so there’s always this issue of… The US spends so much of its GDP on healthcare, and there’s always this claim that, “Oh, we could just become a single payer system like the NHS in the UK, and we’d save everybody money.” Steve: But then the question is, is a disproportionate amount of the downstream payoff for what investors are trying to get, say out of your activity, is that contingent on us having this very expensive healthcare system in the United States? If we went to single payer and cut the by factor to the fraction of GDP we were spending on healthcare, would it not slow down drug discovery and reduce drastically amount of capital available to people like you? Michael: Yeah. I have a pretty strong opinion on this, and for people that are interested, there’s a book by a guy named Peter Kolchinsky, who is actually a trained PhD virologist, turned successful venture capitalist. But Peter’s book, Kolchinsky K-O-L on the last name, The Great American Drug Deal, makes really good point, and that is, number one, drugs are the only part of healthcare that whose cost eventually goes down, and the reason for this is our generic system and the fact that patents extend for 17 years from the time of the accepted filing, and nuanced, plus or minus a few years, depending on how long you spend in clinical trials. But the beauty of drugs is, is that they ultimately become generic. Michael: And the most expensive total expenditure for our US drug system are all generic drugs, because they’re the antihypertensive, anti-diabetics, and so on, that are been off patent and are now made at pennies a pill. I think the most commonly prescribed drugs in the US are now the reflux medications that were branded prior to second, and now it’s pennies, you can get over the counter at CVS and so on. So, it is part of the drug deal that we have. If we want to continue innovation, and these are just facts, I mean people invest in things they think they can make money. Companies like mine get to be where they are, because we have a $1.3 billion market cap, we sold all of $35 million worth of Xpovio last year or to date, and eventually, it’ll become a lot more. Michael: But we got to be at this market cap, because people expect that eventually we’re going to sell a lot of the drug. And that’s partly because the drug is priced at a high level, because it’s a cancer drug that can extend life, and it’s commensurate with the other drugs in its class. And frankly, it is partly to recoup the investments and support the next generation of drugs. So it is very simple, the reason the US is the leader in new drug discoveries, because we have the capital structure and the intellectual horsepower, but there’s a lot of places with intellectual horsepower that just don’t have the capital structure or the risk tolerance to invest in this field. Steve: Well, I wanted to tease that out a little bit, because you could have the venture capital networks and the ability to invest in the human capital that will develop the drugs. That could, in principle, be different from the health system that is willing to pay a lot of money for a few extra years of life at the end of your life, after you’ve developed some kind of cancer, right? If you had a health system that just refuse to pay for that extra treatment, then none of this would work, right? Because, the return on investment for this just wouldn’t be sufficient to get the money in play, does that make sense? The question is, does there not have to be some huge economy that’s willing to, in the sense, overspend on last few years of life or some special cures in order to support this whole discovery infrastructure? Michael: Yeah, there absolutely has to be, and we are it. We, in the US, support many institutions around the world. In fact, or de facto, or upfront about it, this is one that we support de facto. Europe has decided that they’re just not going to spend the money on this stuff. And if we, as small companies, had to rely on our European sales, dollar for dollar would be about one third of what we would get here and we would never get funded, we just wouldn’t. People would not focus on this stuff. People wouldn’t develop drugs for often diseases typically, because you’d have to charge a million dollars a patient to literally save their life. And, if you can’t get that reimbursed, it’s not a market that anybody would be willing to spend. Michael: Like I said, we don’t have time to go into the whole economics of it here, but at the highest level, there’s no question that we, as the US, have made a decision that if we’re going to advance medicine, we have to be willing to pay these prices. And again, I stress that the one thing that public misses in all this, and all the discussions overlook, either passively or actively overlook, is the fact that drugs are the only component of healthcare system that you can actually reduce the prices. It’s highly unlikely that we’re going to start paying doctors half of what they make here now and continue to have the quality of doctors that we have. Michael: In most other countries, they pay doctors a lot less than they pay in the US, except that in most of those other countries, the really good doctors become private doctors. And it’s like everything else in economics, there have to be incentives. The other last point on medicine, and even since I graduated at Hopkins in ’92, medicine has become amazing compared to where we were, and if we continue on the same rate, we’re going to be more amazing in 30 years and so on. But, medicine only gets better because we make incremental advances, and people pay for those. Used to be that heart failure, you died in a year. That way it used to be, now it’s five to 10 years. And the reason is, is because we made incremental advances with each new therapy coming, so now we treat heart failure with a cocktail of four or five different drugs, and all of them together have led to this five year survival. Michael: HIV, as everyone knows, used to be pretty fatal within about a year. And AZT was a good first step, but it’s the more recent therapies over the last 10 years that have jumped on that and made it into a chronic disease where you can almost live a normal life for a normal lifespan, and I think we’re all very proud of that stuff. So we just should make sure we’re careful when we start to alter the economics, which allowed that to occur. Steve: Yeah. I just wanted to emphasize that because I really think it’s under appreciated, right? I mean, now we have a description in your case, a very personal description of what it took to get this drug to market, how many years of effort, how many dollars of investor commitment, and then we can link it back to what normally seems like an outrageous thing. Whenever we quote the fraction of GDP that the US spends on healthcare, it seems like a scandal. If you just look at that number in isolation, it’s a scandal, right? Or if you say, “Hey, what fraction of dollars spent in our healthcare system or just spent at end of life to prolong some guy’s life for few years,” that also seems like a scandal, right? Steve: But when you then combine it with your story, then you realize, “Oh, but yes, but after a while, when that drug goes off patent, it’s basically free for everybody else.” So, all future generations get those few extra years of life if they need it from that drug for pennies, right? And that whole story in its fullness, I think, is not understood by very many people. Michael: Yeah. I think the goal is that in 10 years, we’re not doing things the same way. The goal is, just as we did with HIV, we started off with AZT. We had DDI, we had DTC and so on, and those have all been replaced by much better drugs. The question is, how long do you want to wait between the initial set of drugs and the second set of drugs that changed the game and now made HIV chronic? The same thing happened with hepatitis C virus, we had Interferon initially to treat it, tough stuff, worked some of the time, a lot of side effects. Then we added Reiber there and tough stuff, other side effects. Then we started to build other things and we started to get glimmers that we would get to longterm disease control, and now we have a cure for HCV, hepatitis C virus. Michael: That stuff comes in increments. It isn’t like somebody woke up one day and said, “I’m going to cure hepatitis C virus.” It’s what we started off talking about. You don’t prove anything about diseases until you make drugs for them, and those drugs lead to new drugs, lead to new drugs. Same thing, I think in most of science, right? You stand on the shoulders of giants, and we say that all the time, but we forget in medicine that these incremental benefits lead to breakthroughs, we’ve seen that in cancer therapy as well. So, my hope is that medicine continues to accelerate its speed of change and the speed of improvement till it get to the point where we have diseases that are largely controllable for a long time, if not cured. Michael: Eventually those drugs all become generic, so you’re not spending a lot of money as much anymore. And then, we have a lot of other things that we’ve got to deal with and you mentioned them. End of life care can be defined in different ways, certainly end of life care for COVID-19, just to take a topical example, we’re spending $4,000 or $5,000 a day for people to be on ventilators. I don’t think anybody in this country thinks that’s a bad use of $5,000 a day, even if anywhere between 20 and 50 percent of those patients are likely going to die. Michael: But, I think that we’re spending a lot of money now in this crisis, just as we do for people with non COVID-19, end of life stuff, and these are difficult problems. There’s a difference between that acute problem of an acute virus in a respiratory failure and the end of life is… Our best ends estimates, and this is purely based on non-comparative studies, because that’s the only way to do them. We can probably, for some patients, we can add five or six months of life, where they would have been dead within months, now that’s going to be eight to 10 months or something. Is it worth the money you’re going to spend for those people? Most of the people taking our drug say it is, I would say pretty much everybody, because they can always decide not to. So we want to make those things available. Corey: So Steve, I want to hop in here a little bit. Because Mike, if you step back in history a little bit, you’ll see that… And I used to get reaction to this, there’s a big push in the 90s by a lot of large drug companies to develop new drugs. And that seemed to fail in many, many cases, so the ecosystem changed. So in fact, what you’re describing of your history is really a product of, I think, late 90s, 2000, essentially having small companies take on risks for larger companies. Is that picture correct? Michael: Yeah. I think that the emerging picture is, is that a lot of the entrepreneurship and risk taking gets done in small companies, not all of it. But the nature of new discovery, and I think, software engineers see this also, a lot of people do. It’s very hard to make breakthroughs by committing, right? You got to have people that are willing to say, “I’m going to figure out a way to make this work, or I’m going to go down with the ship trying.” And, that’s just not the way larger companies… I don’t believe in most any area work, typically. It’s a lot easier for a group of crazy people who have to risk everything to come up with a marvel idea for our drug, and this is the third company I’ve been in now, where we did crazy things and they worked. Michael: One Corey mentioned didn’t work, so that was the fourth company, but three out of four ain’t bad. And everybody, when we started these projects, told us that we were crazy and that we were never going to be able to make the drugs. And if we did, they were going to be too toxic, and you just can’t do this and so you shouldn’t bother, and work on something else. And that’s what happens at larger companies. So you have to… Michael: And that’s what happens at larger companies. So, you have to have this mentality that you’re going to figure out a way. Steve: Yeah. You’re totally preaching to the converted on that topic. And in medicine, it’s easy to understand because, like you said, all kinds of things had to go your way for you to be the one in the 1,000 that succeeded. What’s more shocking is that, if it’s some kind of idea in computer science, or IT, or software, you would think the big company could figure it out and would go there and do it. But even that much smaller, more predictable jump in innovation is often absent in big organizations, and it takes a small startup to actually do it. That part is actually more counterintuitive to me. Michael: Well, another example I’ll just tell you is that, we’re just less risk averse, and remember that almost every new innovation has 50,000 reasons why it isn’t going to work and about one… maybe one or two pathways to get it to work. Until you get it to work, and then everybody of course jumps on and says, “Great, of course, that’s great, it works.” So, not only is the initial discovery or idea easier in a small company, the kinds of risks we’ll take with regulators… And we are a heavily regulated industry. It’s very, very carefully… The oversight on our industry is extraordinary. And you can debate whether it’s too much or too little, but in general, if you believe, it’s about right. You’re talking about human health, and you don’t want to hurt people. On the other hand, you have to balance people who are destined to die with almost 100% certainty within a given period, and who want to try something new and their doctors agree. That’s an option we like to make available for people. Michael: And so, a smaller company like ours will go and say to FDA or the European regulators and so on, “We want to try this on these patients, and we’ll make sure of this safety parameter, we’ll do this lab testing, and we’ll take the risk.” And there is always a chance the regulator’s going to come back and say, “No, we’re not going to let you do that. It’s too risky.” And if they don’t do that to you, then the institutional review board at the actual hospitals or clinics where you do the studies, or the ethics committees in Europe will come back and say that. Those… That kind of interaction in a large company, a large pharmaceutical company is often career-ending. So, if you do… If you suggest a risk and the risk turns out to be bad, that the risk wasn’t worth it, or the… You get a no, then your career is pretty much short at a large company, because you’re graded on moving things ahead and not causing problems. Steve: Yeah. That’s exactly why even in software where things are more predictable, the big company often doesn’t innovate. It’s because the local incentive for the manager at the big company is quite different. And something that an entrepreneur is readily willing to take the risk on to move his little startup ahead just get stalled out in the big company. Michael: Yeah. Corey: So Michael, I’d like to… I want to shift into COVID because you’re actually in clinical trials with your drug in COVID, which is a really interesting twist. But before that, actually want to get… I want to get a sense of Sharon’s background, because she’s been an equal partner in this company. So how… What’s her background? What brought her to the point of being able to essentially come up with an idea for this drug, essentially at a kitchen table, and make it realistic? Michael: Yeah. So, Sharon was… grew up in Israel, in a town called Ra’anana, which is right outside of Tel Aviv, and went to the Israeli army. So, she keeps me in line. She was a lieutenant when she graduated an officer. She graduated from the Israeli army, and then she went to Tel Aviv University where she got a PhD in Biophysical Chemistry, and an MBA as well. Michael: And she was actually programming for Microsoft, specifically Microsoft Excel, when she had an offer to join one of the labs there for… to do a little bit more on PhD thesis, and work on the discovery of algorithms for predicting how to make new drugs quicker, the way we described at

28. maj 2020 - 1 h 23 min
episode Scott Adams on Trump, and his book Loserthink – #47 cover

Scott Adams on Trump, and his book Loserthink – #47

Corey and Steve talk to Scott Adams, creator of Dilbert and author of Loserthink. Steve reviews some of Scott’s predictions, including of Trump’s 2016 victory. Scott (who once semi-humorously described himself as “left of Bernie”) describes what he describes as Trump’s unique “skill stack”. Scott highlights Trump’s grasp of the role of psychology in economics, and maintains that honesty requires admitting that we do not know whether many of Trump’s policies are good or bad. Scott explains why he thinks it is mistaken to assume leaders are irrational. RESOURCES * Transcript [https://manifoldlearning.com/episode-047#transcript] * Scott Adams [https://www.scottadamssays.com/] (Blog and Podcast) * Loserthink: How Untrained Brains Are Ruining America [https://www.goodreads.com/en/book/show/44525766-loserthink] * Kihlstrom J. F. (1997). Hypnosis, memory and amnesia [https://doi.org/10.1098/rstb.1997.0155].Philosophical transactions of the Royal Society of London. Series B, Biological sciences,352(1362), 1727–1732. https://doi.org/10.1098/rstb.1997.0155 * Hypnosis and Memory [http://johnmongiovi.com/blog/2014/12/01/hypnosis-and-memory] (Blog Post) TRANSCRIPT Friends of Manifold: Please be aware that this transcript was generated by an automated process. The machine sometimes confuses speakers, among other things. Please email manifld@msu.edu [manifld@msu.edu] if you notice any corrections that need to be made.Steve: Our guest today is Scott Adams. You all know him as the creator of the Dilbert, the cartoon series, which according to Wikipedia, appears online and in 2,000 newspapers worldwide, in 65 countries and 25 languages. Scott is also an author. He has his own podcast show called Coffee with Scott Adams. I hesitate to compare our viewership or listenership with his, but one thing I wanted to say to Corey is that as far as I can tell, Scott releases every day. Is that right? Are you on a daily release schedule? Scott: I do, weekends and holidays as well. Steve: I think Corey if we got a little more practicing, we could probably be a little more spontaneous and release more often. Corey: We’ve had intense discussions about whether to go from every two weeks to once a week. That took a lot of effort on our part. Scott: Well, the secret is to reduce your need for quality. You can always get the quantity by dialing down on the quality. That’s my experience. Steve: We’ve been very focused on scheduling guests, but I feel, maybe because I’m a narcissist, that some of our listeners would actually just like shows where Corey and I talk, but we’ve actually done very little of that, so it’s something for us to look into. Scott: That’s a harder balance because it works better if you’re already famous for something else and people will want to listen to you, but you can experiment. Steve: Yep. To our audience, Scott is obviously well known as a humorist, but I would say beneath the surface is a very serious thinker. Over the years, I have definitely gained a number of deep insights from listening to Scott or reading his blog and so I’d like to actually get into that, and we’ll also talk about his new book called Loserthink. Let me start with his track record on predictions, which I happen to be aware of because he made some very striking predictions in real-time that turned out to be true. I should note that in his book, he actually asks, he suggests to readers that they track their own predictions to get a sense of their own calibration and also, how often they’re wrong, and how to learn from being wrong, and think more positively about occasionally being wrong. Steve: The two predictions that I want to discuss with Scott right now are … First of all, let me list them and then we’ll discuss them separately. One of them, which is quite famous was that he was very strongly predicting in 2016 that Trump would win the election and he actually analyzed Trump as I believe, a master of persuasion. I was extremely interested in Scott’s analysis of Trump in that respect, so I want to come back to that in a second, but I just want to also list the second prediction that he made just recently, which I found very striking. When Soleimani, the Iranian general, was assassinated by the United States, the whole world was holding its breath, wondering what was Iran’s response going to be? Steve: Scott, very boldly and confidently said, “There’s not going to be much of a response because they’re too vulnerable to us. Our military power is so overwhelming that if there really were a serious response, they would be signing their own death warrant.” I remember registering that very carefully and I was watching the media very carefully to see what other people were predicting and their predictions were all over the map. Some people were predicting World War III. I would say the facts completely support Scott’s prediction. That basically, there was a fake counterstrike telegraphed. Nobody was killed, et cetera. Let’s talk about those predictions. Let’s go back to 2016, Scott, and tell us what you were thinking and saying about Trump, in that time period. Scott: Well, it’s actually better than that. It was actually 2015 when I made my call. By 2016, some people were starting to get on board and they saw some momentum, but in 2015, calling him as the winner of the entire thing, not just the nomination, bordered on crazy talk. What I saw in him was a skill set that I’d never seen before in a public figure, running for politics, anyway, somebody who had all of the persuasion toolkit. Now, I’m a trained hypnotist. I learned hypnosis by going to school for it when I was in my 20s and I’ve been studying persuasion and all of its various forms as part of a hobby and partly to help my writing because if you’re going to write, you need to be persuasive. Scott: What I saw him coming to the scene, I thought, holy cow, this is not normal, but it’s not normal in a way that people won’t recognize that it’s based on tools and not randomness. A lot of the complaints about President Trump are, “He’s impulsive. He’s unpredictable. He’s chaotic.” If you don’t know the technique, it looks exactly like that, but if you’re schooled in persuasion, you’d say, “Oh, he’s just shaking the box” or, “Oh, he’s just focusing attention” or, “Oh, he’s just doing one thing or another that changes how you think about the world, how you frame things.” Once you see it, it becomes obvious. Scott: The moment that it was really obvious to me is when he took Jeb Bush out with one nickname and by the way, that was one of my predictions. The day that his nickname came out, the day that he gave it nickname to Bush, is the day that I said would be the last of Jeb Bush. I believe I’m the only person in the world who said that that nickname alone would take the strongest candidate, maybe you’ve seen in a generation before from the Republicans. I mean it seems like Jeb Bush was just going to walk into the job and I said, “No. That nickname is going to take him out” and it did. Steve: I think you said at the time, perhaps that Trump was like a guy who was bringing a flamethrower to a stick fight. Scott: Yeah. His tools were the kind that he is uniquely qualified to use. One of them, part of what makes him persuasive, is probably his tolerance to risk, his tolerance to criticism, and his ability to simply do things that everybody else is telling him is the wrong thing to do. You need a certain kind of personality to pull off using the tools he has and that’s why he’s the strongest persuader I’ve seen because he has both the knowledge of the tools, but a willingness to use them in a way that other people would not. Steve: People forget this now, but at the time, they were calling that slate of competitors in the Republican Party, the strongest group ever assembled in a primary. Scott: That’s right, before he took out the strongest group of Republicans ever assembled. By the way, even in retrospect, it still looks like that. That was a talented group. Corey: On what objective measure are they rated the strongest? Scott: Well, it’s a combination of how the public feels about them, plus their resumes. It’s partly subjective, but they were people with serious backgrounds and experience. They were good in public. They had all the tools. They’ve been governors. They’ve been senators, so on that level, they seemed strong. Then he went on to take out the most presumptive winner of all time. I mean it wasn’t anybody of the serious pundits. People pretty much assumed it was Hillary all the way. Then he went on to consolidate the Republican Party. Scott: I like to say that he hollowed it out and used it as a suit. He didn’t just change it around the edges. I mean he practically inhabited it and wore it like a uniform. I mean it became about Trump at some point and still is. I think he said, he was claiming 95% support among Republicans. We’re in a world where you don’t really win the other side. The other side is really beyond persuasion, in our modern world, but if you can get 95% of your own team on your side, that’s something, it’s possible, you’ll actually never see it again. Steve: My perceptions at the time were that prior to this, your political views were not really front and center. I think over time, I’ve heard you described as a libertarian. I think I’ve even heard you endorsing Bill Clinton as having pretty good views, political views, and views on governance, but then because you came out and predicted Trump was going to win and you admired his persuasion abilities, not necessarily all of his political opinions, but his abilities as a candidate, suddenly, everyone lumped you in as a very strong Trump supporter. You’ve taken a lot of heat over this. Is that right? Scott: Well, I am a very strong Trump supporter in the sense that I say positive things about him, more than negative. Now, I say also plenty of negative stuff. I don’t think he’s done enough on healthcare. I don’t think immigration’s a home run. I think he should not have signed a deal with China without getting fentanyl taken care of, before he even started talking to them. I could go through my half a dozen of complaints, but when it comes to, can he do things that other people couldn’t do? In other words, does he have tools that let him solve problems that a standard politician cannot? Scott: That’s what makes him special and that’s what I talk about. If you take the example of taking out General Soleimani, I don’t know if anybody else would have done it, and I don’t know if anybody else could have done it in a way that, it looks like, at least temporarily, has stopped the proxy wars and everything else. Part of that is the credibility of the threat and part of that’s his persuasion, and part of it is just his guts. I think he made a call that other presidents we know, at least one of the presidents, decided not to, for different reasons. Steve: Before we jump to Iran though, I just wanted to not leave Trump for a minute and say though, didn’t the public’s perception of you or the amount of flack that you’ve gotten for …? If I integrate all the flack you’ve ever gotten for all the opinions you’ve ever stated publicly, nothing adds up to one-tenth of what you’ve gotten for your opinions on Trump. Is that fair? Scott: Well, that’s probably fair, but it also has to do with, how many people are paying attention? More people pay attention to political stuff, but yeah, I’ve had my share of fake news controversies. If you Google me, you’ll find all the things that will make your hair catch on fire. You’ll say, “My God. Did he really say that?” The answer is no, I didn’t. I didn’t say that. You’ll find that I’m a Holocaust denier. Nope, nope. Never been a Holocaust denier. You’ll find that I’ve been a libertarian, as you said. I’ve never really been a libertarian. I once said I was like a libertarian without the crazy parts, but I was just being funny because it’s mostly crazy parts. I’ve taken a lot of heat, but I’m at a point in my career where I’ve made my money. I’m not going to go for … I can take a risk that other people can’t. Scott: I actually thought that this was a risk that had a patriotic value that’s different than other risks, so I wasn’t randomly going out there and trying to be provocative. I actually thought that this is a … I consider Trump to be like a 100-year flood. Once he’s out of office, however long that is, there’s not really going to be another one right away. Given that his unique skill set could maybe shake loose some problems that couldn’t get shaken loose before, I thought, well, let’s take advantage of this. People are not seeing this as the opportunity it is because it comes with costs. He’s what I call an expensive president, meaning not just how much it costs him for the Secret Service to go on his golf trips or anything, but in terms of our psychology, what it does to our public discourse, how angry people get about stuff. He’s expensive, but he’s also providing things that a regular politician just probably couldn’t do. Corey: Your attitude towards Trump is still a little bit unclear to me. You admire his skill set. You say he, “Solves problems others couldn’t,” but you didn’t suggest that you actually liked the solutions he offered. It wasn’t particularly clear to me whether you did or not, whether you thought the solutions were correct or not. To be a little more specific, I can imagine someone who actually could not stand Trump saying things that are close to what you’re saying. You might say the guy’s very good at communication. In fact, I have a friend who actually hates Trump, but yet described him as a natural marketer. Corey: One might say that he accomplishes things others could not accomplish, but it all depends on whether you think those accomplishments are in the public interest. I’m just curious to pin you down a little bit more on your attitude. Set aside your admiration for his capacities, what he does or how he does it, and look at substantive policy. Which policies do you like? Do you think that he accomplished something that you personally think is in the public interest, that other people could not have gotten done? Scott: One of the things that Trump understands better than, I think any politician that I’ve seen understands is that economics is a psychology game and the economy is a psychology machine. Instead of tweaking stuff like, I don’t know, money supply or whatever, he goes directly at the psychology and part of the way he does that is by a number of activities, which he can claim credibly are helping the economy, but it’s the claim, more than the thing. In other words, when he cuts regulations, he says, “Look, this is going to be great for the economy. I cut all these regulations.” You and I don’t even know what those regulations are, but the psychology of saying, “Oh yeah, regulations probably do restrict some things if we have a few of them,” it feels like we always have too many. Maybe that’s working when he says he’s changed the taxes to stimulate things. Scott: Maybe we’re not all economists. By the way, I have a degree in economics and an MBA from a good school, so when I see people who understand the economy as a psychology machine, I say, “First of all, that’s different and number two, that’s exactly the right place to be.” The little tweaks he does to the economy may make little or no difference at all. Even the trade deals may not make that big a difference, but the way people feel about it is really influenced by those things and so you see people say, “Well, I’d better invest because the economy is growing. I don’t want to miss this wave.” Then it becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy. Scott: People think it will be good, so they invest and investing makes it good. He does that better than anybody’s ever done it and possibly again, I hate to say this, but it might be better than anybody will ever do it because he understands that just in a way that I haven’t seen before. That’s one example. Now, when it comes to things like, is any particular trade deal better than another? I have no idea, but neither does the public, so I tend not to take strong views on whether this technical deal is better than this or that. I’ll give you another example. I think he probably did make a difference with the war against ISIS, the territorial war. Scott: They’ll never go away as an idea, but in terms of territory, I think he made the change that made the difference, which is he allowed the military to be the military, without checking and letting the bad guys get away while they’re in the process of checking if it was okay to attack. That probably made a huge difference. If you have any specific examples, we could talk about them. I have my list of things that I disagree with as well. There isn’t much room in the public discourse, for people who would take a nuanced approach to a politician. Corey: That, I think we firmly agree on. I think the world’s complicated and individuals are complicated, and some of the policies are good and not good. It’s very hard in the current environment to take a view of somebody that sees some positives and some negatives. I think that’s a real problem with today’s culture, but I still can’t quite tell what you believe, Scott. I see, again you’re describing this very interesting approach towards the economy. Steve: Why don’t you just ask him if he’s going to vote for Trump again? Corey: I think he said, somewhere I read, that you actually don’t vote. Is that right? Scott: I do not vote. The reason is that, especially if you’re talking about it in public, voting will bias you because you want your pick to be right. It’s not that we’re not all biased anyway, but if I can find a cheap and easy way to remove at least one variable of bias, I’ll do it. I don’t think my specific vote is the one that’s going to move the country one way or another, so I don’t think that was a big expense. Steve: Not in California. Scott: Yeah, exactly. Corey: I think your question, Steve, actually comes back to something that Scott noticed, because you said, “Will he vote for Trump again?” It’s not clear Scott ever voted for Trump. Steve: That’s right. Scott: I’ve not voted for Trump because I didn’t vote, as I said. Now, I think I can answer the question as clearly as possible. I’ve met President Trump in the Oval Office, in 2018. He was just meeting some supporters. I was one of them. I got to chat with him. I’m not unbiased about him personally. Personally, he’s very likable. I mean he’s got tons of charisma. He was very nice to me, so I am subjectively and absolutely biased to like him personally because of personal contact. What’s wrong with saying some of his policies are good and some of them could be better? What’s missing in my analysis? What is confusing about that? Corey: Look, you’re a scientist. I’ve listened to you talk about methodology as it were, very abstractly. You like the fact he’s turned economics on its head by focusing on psychology, but I didn’t quite hear you say, “I thought those tax cuts were overall good for economic growth or that the cost-benefit analysis of the increase in the deficit was something that we should bear, going forward.” I never heard you say anything like that. I’ve heard you admire his personal characteristics, his strategy, the guy’s way of thinking about things, but I haven’t heard you come down clearly one way or the other, saying, “I think his policy at the border is a better one than X reasonable policy.” There are many unreasonable policies you could prefer it to. I hear you talking methodologically about Trump, but not as far as substantively, I’d say. Scott: Let me put some meat on that. That’s actually a very fair question. My larger philosophical approach to the big complicated political stuff is, how would I know? How would I possibly know if that was the best thing to do with taxes? It’s unknowable by its nature. Like I said, I’ve got a degree in economics. I can’t tell. Here’s another question that you think is common sense, but isn’t. Is the national debt too high? Well, I’m worried and that’s on my short list of things that I think Trump has to answer for, as obviously not an ideal situation. It’s either not ideal or it’s a big problem, but it’s certainly not good. Scott: We can’t say that, but national debt is not like personal debt. In other words, we have all the nukes and we can print money. What does that say about our necessity to pay it back? What’s going to happen when we’re a robot-driven economy? What’s it like in 20 years when people ask for the money back? Do we have to give it back? Does money even mean anything in 20 years? There are a lot of questions about national debt, that even the smartest economists don’t really know what it means because it’s not like any other debt, so is it something to worry about? Yeah. It’s a big thing to worry about, but I don’t know if it’s going to kill us. It’s just imponderable. Steve: Scott, I wanted to ask, are you familiar with the movie Idiocracy? Scott: Yes. Long ago, I saw that. Yes. Steve: If you remember, the president in this future where the average IQ has dropped substantially, is a professional wrestler. I don’t know if you remember this. For me, when Trump first announced, I think I saw it on the news. I was working out at a hotel gym and I thought, oh my God. Idiocracy is here early because here we have this guy, super flamboyant guy who was not a wrestler himself, but he was involved in professional wrestling and I thought, wow. We’re already at this point now where the president is going to be this super flamboyant guy and it’s in a way that natural endpoint of democracy of basically letting the masses decide who the leader is. You end up with a leader like this. Do you agree with what I’m saying or do you disagree with what I’m saying? Scott: Well, I write in my book, Loserthink, that one of the big errors in analyzing anything, but politics in particular, is that we imagined that analogies mean something, so we say, “Hey. This leader has a mustache. Hitler had a mustache. I see where this is all going.” Your movie example is another one. People look at movies and they look at other people, completely different people’s experience, and say, “Well, that’s going to tell us something or this is an indicator of something.” It really isn’t. One is just a movie and the other is a completely different situation. The short answer is I take nothing from analogies. Scott: I will say that when you look at President Trump, he has a talent stack, as I like to call it, a set of talents that work well together. The thing that some of us got early, but a lot of the public and the pundits missed completely, when they were mocking him for his reality TV skills, they were really missing the shell because the reality TV skills are probably about 70% of the job of the president. He needs to hold our attention and he needs us to think about what he wants us to think about, instead of what the other side wants you to think about. He needs to entertain you. Scott: Just think about how educated the public has become about our system since Trump became president. I mean you understand the nuances of everything from how impeachment works to how the budget works, to how the military decision works, in ways I’ve never been exposed to. He’s educating us. He’s entertaining us. He’s putting our focus where we need it. All of those communications and ability to talk to people in the language of the audience, that’s his superpower. That’s not his flaw. Corey: Who do you think has learned all that stuff? The public or Steve Hsu or you? The public in general, is that much more educated in any of this stuff since Trump, I mean? Scott: Let’s say the public who’s following the news, which I guess I’d have to make that distinction, but if you follow the news, you’re learning all kinds of things about … For example, I mean I learned just this week that high crimes and misdemeanors could include things that are crime-like. First time I’d ever heard of that. That’s an Alan Dershowitz’s argument. It goes, we’re learning all kinds of things about our system. Corey: I perceive, again that you’re learning these things because you’re a perceptive guy who seems to absorb information. I just don’t buy that the public is learning a huge amount more under Trump than they did under any other president. I mean is there any evidence for this? Scott: Well, just that people were paying attention. I mean if you spend five minutes on Twitter, you’ll see people talking about issues at a depth that even exceeds what you see on TV. They’re sharing information and somebody will tweet, “Yes, but what about this context?” Or, “Yes, the same thing happened to …” I would say the social media and the people watching the news, maybe that’s 10% of the country, they’re definitely getting more educated. The others wouldn’t care, either way. Corey: Well, they are educated. It’s just not clear that the slope of their knowledge is increasing. That’s my question. I think there is an educated segment of the population on Twitter, that’s engaging, but I’m just asking for evidence that these people are more educated than they were six years ago. Scott: Well, I haven’t done a study on it, but I can tell you anecdotally that the topics that people talk about, at least on social media, are things that clearly, they are learning this year. You could tell who said it, where it came from. The example I gave you, of impeachment involving crimes or crime-like things, came from Alan Dershowitz. That happened this week and you’ll see lots of people talking about it this week, that they have never talked about before. Steve: I haven’t done a study either, Corey, but I think there are lots of examples of things that happened pretty uniquely during this first term of the Trump presidency, that have illuminated lots of people’s understanding of aspects of government. Corey: Sure. This is a general phenomenon when new things happen in the public sphere and there’s in-depth discussion. People will learn, but that’s generalization for any time period, just regardless. I’m sure people learned a lot more about African Americans when Obama got elected. Steve: Well, I think Trump’s presidency is pretty unique in the sense that there’s quite a strong, entrenched resistance. For example, for me, I learned a lot about the judiciary when the judiciary was … When some random judge in some obscure part of the country was interfering with his ability to perform his presidential duties, I learned quite a bit about constitutional law and understanding- Corey: Sure. When McConnell blocked Obama’s last Supreme Court pick, people learned the power of the Senate. Any phenomenon that leads to public discussion during a presidency will lead to knowledge. Steve: I think the Trump presidency has been marked by more conflict between different powerful aspects of government. Corey: Than Obama? Steve: Obama may have also been a case where there was … Scott didn’t say there wasn’t a lot of learning under Obama either, right? Scott: Well, yeah. I think there’s more controversy, which gives you more to learn. Take for example the Supreme Court, to use your example. I never knew that there’s nothing preventing the government from having more Supreme Court justices. You could just increase the number, so the next president, if it’s a different party can say, “Hey. The number of justices is going to be 25 and 19 of them are going to be ours.” Steve: Before we leave Trump as a topic, and I think Trump is an attractor in any conversation, it’s hard to actually get sucked into discussing Trump these days, you could start almost anywhere and you end up talking about Trump, are you making a prediction about this coming election in 2020? Scott: Well, given the people who are about to run against Trump, if it’s any of the characters that we know about, I don’t see any way that he doesn’t win. It looks like the incumbent advantage is going to apply here, but the field looks unusually weak. I don’t know if that’ll change before the nomination, but at this point, there’s nobody who looks like they could give him a challenge. Steve: Are you thinking specifically of Bloomberg as somebody who might show up and give Trump a run for his money? Scott: I don’t think he could. I think he’s far too weak. He doesn’t match up well. He doesn’t match up physically because one of the things that Trump does … Here’s one of those situations where if you want to say this is terrible and he should never do it, he’s a bad role model, I’m not going to argue with you, but I’ll tell you, it works. Mike Bloomberg, who, by the way, I think is exactly my height, when he calls him Mini Mike, it works because at a base animal level, we all want our leaders to be strong, whatever that means. Scott: Even though height has nothing to do with capability, obviously, Bloomberg is a hyper and successful guy in a lot of different ways, but it works. He just makes us think of him as literally small and that’s just one of many examples in which he would get annihilated, Bloomberg’s age and the fact that he’s just another white billionaire. He’s going to look like he’s not enough of a contrast. Why do we need another one of these? We already got one of those. Steve: I think Corey agrees with you, right? That this current crop of candidates is unlikely to beat Trump. Corey: I’m not sure, unlikely to beat Trump, but I do agree with you that they’re unusually weak. In fact, I’m just shocked that in a country of 330 million people, that this is what we ended up with as the democratic possibilities. Scott: Let me ask you this. If Trump did not exist and they were just running it against a normal candidate, I don’t think the field would look this weak. One of the things that he does is he sets a contrast point and one of the contrasts is just that the largeness of his personality and the influence are just the psychic real estate he takes up. When you think of him, you’re thinking of this supernova. Some hate it. Some love it, but it’s a supernova. Then you say, “All right. Klobuchar” and you’re seeing this little campfire. Now, her campfire might be perfect. She might be exactly who you need for president. Has all the skills, nothing about her capability, but it’s this little tiny flame compared to a supernova, and our uncritical parts of our mind just go, “I want my leader to be a supernova” and you can easily forgive all the details. Corey: I think that’s a really interesting hypothesis. I hadn’t thought of that, that Trump might be causing the weakness in this field. Look, you’re right. Trump is extremely an unusual character, highly charismatic. Maybe on the order of Obama, he was the same character. It would have been interesting to see them go up against each other because Obama was thought to be a generational figure. It’s just hard. We can go into many details of whether Trump has a low ceiling or not, whether people think they’re going to get the same thing with Biden, but I would agree with you. Corey: It’s shocking to me that nobody with stronger credentials got through. My theory is that it’s just a function of the polarization in the Democratic Party that partly accounts for this. There’s a large Bernie wing, a large left that’s split now. There’s a legacy of Obama vote that’s going for Biden. For some reason, a lot of these other pretty mainstream people who might pull well, just couldn’t get through the filter. Scott: If you look at the Democratic candidates, let’s say they look like candidates of old, meaning that they’re a white guy of a certain age and certain look, they all fell off pretty quickly. I think that’s the contrast problem. They just look boring and insubstantial, compared to the supernova. Corey: Then so did all the Brown people, which is interesting. You lost the white guys who look like the past and you lost all the black Latino candidates also, so you’re left with something that’s puzzling. Scott: That was probably just an oddity that had to do with the fact that Biden was unusual. He could suck up all the African American support because of his time in the Obama administration. That’s just an unusual situation that was bad for the other candidates. Corey: I was surprised at how poorly Booker did. Here’s my analogy. If you’re near-sighted and not really familiar with politics, and you look at them from a distance, Booker could seem Obama-ish in some ways, but- Steve: I disagree with you. Corey: Listen to my qualifier, near-sighted, not looking at it clearly. Steve: You have to be deaf? Corey: Well, Obama had a, it’s almost indescribable, certain subtlety, a certain build to make anyone think that he believed exactly what they believed, a certain way of presenting himself, which is a Rorschach test, a certain way of speaking. You could actually even see some of his early claims about different policies. The left and the center would interpret him as endorsing their view. Booker is just much less of a … He’s much clumsier, much more political. Corey: A well-spoken guy, but he couldn’t pull off that kind of … I think I’ve quoted this before. I have a good friend who’s a really big fan of Obama. He describes him as an alien. There’s just something extra-terrestrial about Obama that allowed him to basically come into the political system and give people what they wanted, that Booker couldn’t do and maybe in the same way, Trump has pulled that off. Scott: Let me contrast them because it’s something I’ve thought of as well. I also count Obama as being nearly Trump-like in his persuasion skills. If you’re going to make an All-Star team in history, Obama’s on the team and he’s a starter. Now, one of the things that Obama did that, to his credit, was probably the smartest thing anybody ever did as a politician, he ran for president as what would be the first black president and never made that a point. He just said, “I’m just running for president and you can talk about anything you want, but that’s not what I’m going to talk about.” That made it safe to vote for him. Scott: All the Republicans were thinking, I like this guy. If even once he had made a major speech and said, “We really need to break this barrier,” maybe he said it in some casual way someplace, but he never made it a campaign point. That electing a black president was something like a goal for the country. He simply existed as a capable person with all the skills, so that was genius and it’s exactly what Hillary Clinton got wrong. Had Hillary Clinton not said directly, “It’s time for a woman president. Elect me because I’m a woman,” she might be president. To me, that was her fatal flaw. Corey: You’re speaking to the choir here, in case you wonder about identity politics, Steve and me. We have a similar deep allergy to it. I think it’s a cancer. Scott: Now let’s look at Cory Booker. Now, I have great respect for Cory Booker. He’s one of the smartest people in Congress. Just academically, intellectually, he’s just one of the smartest guys, but there’s something about the way he presents himself that does not register as authentic. That’s how I feel it. You’re seeing that the public is taking this deep preference for the real thing, even if they don’t like it. People will take the real thing they don’t like over the fake thing that sounds good because they don’t believe the fake thing that sounds good is actually going to happen anyway, so that’s why Bernie … By the way, I have mad respect for Bernie Sanders. I don’t want him to be my president, but man, there’s not many people I respect more than him, for being consistent, being authentic. I think he cares about the country. He’s been working hard in his own way. I don’t think he’s got the right answers, but you really have to respect the work, the intentions. Corey: Can I stop you here, Scott, for one second? Because there’s a quote I read online. You’ve described yourself as left of Bernie. Is that apocryphal? Scott: I called myself left of Bernie before there was anybody left of Bernie and part of it was a private joke because there wasn’t anything left of Bernie, so it was a way to put myself in unscripted territory where I couldn’t get labeled. Now, there are people left of Bernie, so I might have to retreat from that description, but I’ll give you some examples. Take abortion. Republicans would like to restrict it. Democrats like Bernie would like to have lots of situations where it’s okay. I go further than Bernie and I say, “This is not a conversation that men need to be in. We’re actually detracting from the credibility of whatever the final decision is.” In my opinion, if women collectively, by a majority, want the law to be this or that, I’m going to support that decision. Scott: They’ve got more skin in the game. Now, if it’s talking about my money or who pays for the child or something, then men, of course, should weigh in. Now, I’m not saying other men shouldn’t vote on abortion or other men shouldn’t weigh in. I’m talking about myself. I personally have nothing to add to the discussion, so I’m just going to follow what women think is the right answer, collectively, once they work it out. Because it’s a life and death situation, even if it’s a decision you don’t like, you want it to be credible. You want the other side to say, “I hate this decision, but the way we got to it is credible” because this is what women need. They have more skin in the game. That’s one example. Scott: Bernie would probably make marijuana legal. I would too, but I would also go further and make hallucinogens legal. There are a number of places where Bernie goes just so far and I go a little bit further, for a little bit more freedom or a little bit more credibility. Then on the economic stuff, I tend to favor that which we know works, as opposed to that which we suspect might not work. By the way, when your economy is working well, at least by historical terms, that’s not the time you re-engineer the whole economy. You do that when everything’s broken. Right now, everything’s working pretty well, as economies go, historically speaking, Corey: Hard, from a guy who says that he’s made a lot of money and doesn’t have to worry about his retirement. Scott: Well, I’m not doing well under the Trump administration, so personally, it’s killing me. My taxes went up because I’m in California, so I don’t get the state’s tax write-off. Because I talk about Trump in public, my earnings probably are down 30 or 40%, compared to what they would be. Corey: Big picture. Scott: Well, the big picture is more people are employed and the economy is going up. As someone who has studied economics, if you had to pick one indicator to tell you how things are going, pick employment because if you move somebody from unemployed to employed, that’s a big change. They go from needing your money to providing you money. I would say the unemployment rate is the superstar of the Trump administration. Steve: I saw it reported recently, in, I think right of center news sources, that, I think for the first time in 30 years, the increase in income to people who are working-class or blue-collar exceeded, in percentage terms, the increase for upper-class people. Of course, didn’t see it widely reported by the other side, so I had to go and check and look at the Bureau of Labor Statistics. It actually seems to be true, at least according to what I found. Even working-class people are doing well under Trump. Corey: I mean not always. Let’s say if it’s happened in the past couple of years, you got to wait for these Labor numbers to shake out. Steve: I think I actually found numbers for the whole Trump administration and then against Obama and other- Corey: It suddenly started in 2016 or was this beginning under Obama? Steve: I just saw aggregate numbers for time under Trump. Scott: I feel like that’s probably an apples and oranges situation because if you look at the stock market, and you assume rich people own stocks, they would have had a far bigger gain than somebody who just- Corey: Usually, just the income. Steve: Just income. Scott: Just income, which is irrelevant to the richest people. Steve: Before we get to your book, I just wanted to mention one other thing which was very striking to me. I want to tell the audience, I’m not cherry-picking your predictions because I don’t follow you that closely, so I don’t hear all your predictions. It’s just, these are two that I heard and which registered to me, and then I was very impressed that you got it right. The Trump election was one and the other one was Iran’s response to the assassination of, I’m not sure I’m saying his name right, Soleimani. Could you comment a little bit more about that? Because I don’t think people maybe are aware of what you said at the time. People are probably aware of what happened, but go ahead and tell us. Scott: There’s some background to that. I also correctly called that North Korea and Trump would start getting along. Steve: Yes. Actually, I remember that. You did, yeah. Scott: It was a similar kind of concept and it goes like this. When our news tells us that the leader of another country is irrational, it’s always a lie. Now, there might be some leaders. I mean you have Hitler as an obvious example, but they’re rare and so if you take the assumption that the leader of the other country is irrational, you get all the wrong answers because that’s a very rare situation. I assumed that North Korea would be rational and that Iran’s leadership would be rational as well and it certainly wouldn’t have been rational for either of them to start a military war with the United States. If they’re not going to do that, what would they do? What they did is exactly what you would do in that situation. Scott: If you’re Kim Jong-un, you take a meeting because you finally got a president who says, “Yeah, I’ll meet with you.” You take that meeting and that leads you on at least some optimism that could lead to something. Then with Iran, part of it is, I hate to say, informed by my Dilbert comic experience because if you have experience in big corporations, you know that the person who’s in charge has a lot of, let’s say underlings who would like that job and might be jocking for it. I assumed that General Soleimani, because he controlled the military and also the intelligence services, that he was really the person in charge of the country and that getting rid of him, would actually be a relief to the Supreme Leader because it would actually promote him to the top job which he had on paper, but in reality, whoever has the guns is always in charge and that might have been Soleimani. Scott: I predicted that he was not as liked by Iran’s own leadership as we imagined and so far, the response is looking a lot like that because what they considered a proportionate response to taking out their top military leader, was to fire some missiles into the desert and call it even. Some of that, of course, is to not have their country destroyed by the US military, but it signals that maybe they weren’t that unhappy about the situation. It just wasn’t the kind of response you’d get from somebody who … If you imagine something like that happening in this country, somebody takes out the leader, what would we do? Well, I mean we wouldn’t stop until we were done, if you know what I mean. Corey: Scott, I see two claims there. I think they’re interesting, but I think you’re trying to wrap them together and I don’t see them as connected. I see this interesting hypothesis, which is that the Supreme Leader was not a huge fan of the general, for the reasons you laid out. Perhaps the military was in charge. He resented that. I think that’s an interesting analysis. I don’t see the fact that there was no reaction to the strike is actually supporting that theory to an extent. I think your other idea is that it’s a rational response. They don’t want to shoot in war with the US. It fully explains the fact of no response, even if he was in love with this guy. All right. Even if he’s in love with the general, just purely being rational and looking at his country’s best interest, you get no response. Corey: I think the null hypothesis is he could have liked this guy, could have hated this guy, et cetera, et cetera, but this hypothesis is still interesting. That there’s something going on in power structures where people are envious. There are two claims. That the underlings are envious and that there’s this guy who’s not even really an underling technically, but is, in fact, an overling technically, but so resented this guy. Now, that, I think is worth discussing independently because it’s a fascinating theory of political power. I want to separate it because I think you actually don’t get any support from that, from the fact that there’s zero response. That’s purely right. I had exactly the same intuition. Iran does not want to get destroyed. Scott: Your logic is correct, which is to say once you believe that they wouldn’t respond because it would be suicide, then you don’t need any second reason, but I believe there’s a second reason in part because the population also did not have a strong response to it. In fact, they were probably unhappy that Soleimani’s people killed, what, maybe, reported, 1500 protestors recently and was using all their money overseas in adventures that the public was not too crazy about. Khamenei’s opinion has to be at least somewhat modified by what the public is thinking and I think you can see the public wasn’t missing the guy as much as we expected or a lot of people expected. There’s that. Scott: Then the other thing that I can’t defend as easily is that the rhetoric did not seem as extreme as you’d expect. It seemed perfunctory, meaning it seems like they phoned in, “Yeah, you killed that genital. Death to America. There will be repercussions. We slapped you in the face.” Then they do this little missile attack and they call it even? It doesn’t feel like the same kind of rhetoric you get, even from somebody who’s surrendering, even from somebody who says, “We can’t fight. We’ll get killed,” but you just expect more fire in the belly if they really won’t miss this guy. I would say that is a subjective interpretation on my part, that I couldn’t defend, other than it just looked like a weak response verbally, as well as militarily. Steve: I think it’s clear they couldn’t really have responded directly to us. The other conjecture about how sad they are about his passing, I think we may see based on the extent to which they carry out, either covert attacks like poisoning US personnel or having intermediaries kidnap US personnel. That non-direct military response will either happen or not happen and that might indicate really how mad they are. Corey: I don’t think it’s going to indicate anything. I think if these guys are rational, they’re not motivated by sadness over losing someone they cared about. They’re looking at the national interests. They’re looking at what the likely response is going to be. Their emotional attachment to this guy, to an extent they don’t have anything. I don’t think people at this level have emotions about this sort of thing, deeply or at least they don’t have emotions that they allow to affect policy. Steve: I think in the Cold War, if the KGB took out an American operative in a way that was considered non-sporting, I think the CIA would try to take it out on some Russian operatives. Corey: They did not say this, based on emotion, whether they felt anything about this guy. There was a culture of tit-for-tat responses throughout the Cold War. It’s what you did. I think it’s a whole separate theory. That your emotion, feeling about this guy, whether it’s emotional or it’s, in fact, some sort of power structure argument, it’s quite different. You need to actually talk to these people and get inside, rather than look at external responses to get real evidence about that. I think that power politics and people’s response to attacks is not to be driven by these kinds of inside the belly, even often inside somebody’s head, emotions about, whether they like this person or not, whether they want to move into his job. That’s in my little editorial. Steve: Well, I think institutions have feelings and so they can be revenge-taking. If a beloved leader of the CIA gets knocked off, you can imagine the CIA putting into play certain things that they wouldn’t otherwise put into play, right? Corey: You could imagine it, but I don’t see it as compelling evidence. Scott: This is one of those situations where you have to ask yourself, what is the special variable that President Trump brings to this? One of them is his unpredictability. I think if this had been a standard president, you might see a little bit of proxy action, maybe a terrorist attack somewhere that’s ambiguously tied to Iran, but you can’t really tell. I think they know that an ambiguous proxy attack, even one that they could plausibly deny, is going to cost them all of their refineries. At this point, nobody’s going to take maybe as a no. At this point, Trump would take maybe as a yes. Goodbye, Navy. Goodbye, Air Force. Goodbye refineries and there’s your economy. Corey: I don’t want to go on too far, but Trump has signaled he doesn’t want war in the Middle East. They may perceive him as the kind of guy who might do those sorts of things, but everything I’ve gathered from Trump is he wants no part of this stuff. He just doesn’t want a shooting war with Iran. He wants to get the US out of that region, to focus on the economy, to focus on other things. I don’t want to predict what Trump would do, but I think there’s compelling reason to think that Trump has about as much interest in avoiding a war as Iranians do. Scott: Well, let me be specific. Let’s say an embassy is attacked and an American ambassador is killed in a way that we’re pretty sure is Iran, but we’re not 100% sure. What do you think happens to Iran after that? Corey: I don’t know. There’s a whole range of responses. I think there would be a response, but I don’t feel like I have enough information to make even a prediction with wide confidence intervals. Steve: Do you think the other side would perceive that Trump might be a little more dangerous in that situation? Corey: Oh yeah, with no doubt. They think he’s crazy. They perhaps are making the same miscalculation that we’re making. Look, again, people don’t get that high up in any walk of life by being irrational. There’s too many decisions to be made along that path, that can blow yourself up. Already, Trump has blown himself up a number of times and come back from the dead, but in general, people at that level are not irrational. They may be confusing, perhaps intentionally, potentially so sometimes. Scott: Well, in my opinion, if a US embassy got attacked and an ambassador died, and we thought it was Iran behind it, we’d probably take out their entire economy, which is really one afternoon. All you have to do is take out the refineries and you’re done. Steve: Let me turn to your book, which is called Loserthink: How Untrained Brains Are Ruining America. Now, let me clarify that I think the way you’re using loserthink is not a description of the way a bunch of losers think, but a manner of thinking, which is counterproductive, that will make you lose. Is that correct? Scott: That is correct. It’s not about the person. It’s about the technique. Steve: I really saw it as a kind of manual, which is really about rationality, avoiding common cognitive biases. In a way, actually, as I was looking at it, I was thinking it’s like a book that could have been written by Daniel Kahneman, but actually, it has been written by Scott Adams. Scott: Well, Kahneman is one of my influences, among many. One of the things that I try to do, that you don’t see too often, is I try to make my books very accessible. If you try to read Kahneman’s book, it’s some work, it’s an effort. If you read my book, it’s more entertaining and you can pick up a lot of the same concepts. Steve: You have chapters with titles like Think like An Engineer, Think like A Leader, Think like An Entrepreneur or Think like A Scientist, Think like An Economist, et cetera. Let me read. I think this is an actual excerpt, either from the book or a book jacket. “Even the smartest people can slip into loserthink’s seductive grasp. This book will teach you how to spot and avoid it, and will give you scripts to respond when hollow arguments are being brandished against you, whether by well-intentioned friends, strangers on the internet or political pundits.” Steve: “You’ll also learn how to spot the underlying causes of loserthink, the inability to let ego out of your decisions, thinking with words instead of reasons, failing to imagine alternative explanations, and making too much of coincidences. Your bubble of reality doesn’t have to be a prison. This book will show you how to break free and what’s more, to be among the most perceptive and respected thinkers in every conversation.” Scott: That’s right. That could happen to you. Steve: Yes. Scott: The basic idea behind Loserthink is that if you don’t have broad experience across different domains, let’s say economics, business, history, even art, and psychology, you might have some blind spots, but you would not be aware of it because you don’t know what you don’t know. You only know what you know. I first noticed this when interacting on Twitter and people would make comments and criticize me, and arguments against my points. I would look at them and sometimes they would be good arguments that I didn’t agree with, but I’d say, “Huh, that’s a pretty good argument.” Scott: I click on the profile and it would be an economist, a scientist, an engineer. Then I’d see an argument that just seemed nuts. It just was so crazy. I click on the profile and it would be a musician, a writer, a journalist, an artist. The pattern is just so obvious when you start seeing it that I started calling it out. Now, all my followers on Twitter are seeing it and they think it’s hilarious because it’s so consistent. When you do find an artist … I would consider myself in that category somewhat. I mean I’m barely an artist as a cartoonist, but I have exposure to the other fields, so I’ve worked in engineering. I’ve studied economics and business. Scott: I’ve had a whole bunch of different jobs in the corporate world. I’m an entrepreneur, et cetera. Earlier when I was talking about Trump as being someone who understands that the economy is a psychology machine, that’s something that a musician wouldn’t necessarily know, so how would a musician decide if this president or any other was doing the right things on economics? It’d be hard to know. There are a lot of blind spots that we all have and I try to fill them in, without going too deeply into any of those domains, just the thinking styles. Steve: I noticed a couple of examples that you discussed in the book, of things where people might not be thinking very clearly. Let me just throw a couple out there and you can hit on whatever you find interesting. Climate change. Peak oil. USDA food pyramid. Identity politics. Single-payer healthcare. Any of those things you want to riff on? Scott: Well, let’s take climate change. If you’re not a scientist and all the scientists or the vast majority of them seem to be saying the same thing, you’d say to yourself, “Well, I’m not a scientist, but although scientists seem to be agreeing, and I know science isn’t right every time, but really all those scientists, can they be wrong?” The first thing you should know is that there is a history of all the scientists being wrong. That’s the thing. It happened with the food pyramid, as you mentioned. For decades, our understanding of nutrition was fatally wrong, actually fatally wrong. The recommendations about what to eat were so bad. People probably died because they were eating wrong and didn’t know it or at least more died more early than they would have. Here’s how I’d break down climate change. I would break it into three parts. Scott: There’s the scientific part, which is do the scientists know that if you had this CO2 to the atmosphere, all else be equal, that it should make the temperature go up? Well, it seems to me, that’s probably something you could test. You could test it in the laboratory. You can test it against history. It’s very testable and reproducible, and all of the indicators seem to be in the same direction if you don’t count the weird conspiracy people that you see on Twitter, but what about the projection models where the scientists say, “All right, our projection is that this is where the direction will be?” Well, now, you’re into territory that is far less credible because almost nobody can make an 80-year projection about anything, much less temperature. A lot of variables are involved and one of the variables is you don’t know what’s going to happen with technology. Scott: You don’t know if Elon Musk is going to invent a fusion reactor tomorrow and energy is free, and the robots do all of our work. 80 years from now, everything is going to be different, so it’s hard enough to do a scientific projection, but here’s where it gets really crazy. In order to make decisions about what to do, do you do things now or wait and how hard do you go? You have to make a third thing, the economic decision. Now, I’ve done long-term economic forecasts. I used to do it as my corporate job and I can tell you that they’re just guessing. Nobody can do an 80-year economic forecast, for all the reasons I mentioned. What happens in the age of robots? What happens if one of these many startups that’s building machines that can scrub the CO2 out of the air, what happens if one of them makes a really good one? Scott: At the moment, they work. They already have machines that can do that, so we know we can scrub CO2 out of the air. If we put a trillion dollars at it, we could do it tomorrow. What about the new energy sources? What energy sources are in the pipeline, that we don’t know about? Those are the things that can’t be predicted. If you were to look at the arc of civilization, you would see that fewer people die from weather-related, climate-related problems than at any time in history. If you were just going to bet based on it, well, what does history tell us? It would tell us that even if things got worse in the environment, probably the number of people who suffered from it will continue to drop. The actual odds that we’re all doomed is probably closer to zero than whatever, 100%, you’re hearing from the other side because as humans- Corey: Scott, can I interrupt you? Scott: Yeah. Corey: Because I want to be a little more specific about which predictions you’re agreeing or disagreeing with. Now, climate scientists don’t just make blank predictions about warming. They’ll say, “That contingent upon emissions continuing at the current levels for the next 30 years are increasing, say at the current rate of increase over the next year.” Again, you’ve got to take into account the qualifiers that go in for these predictions. I totally agree with you, that technology could be a complete game-changer here, but again, the models assume X level temperature rise, given a certain emissions level and you’re questioning that emissions level. I think it’s unfair to say that the- Scott: No, I’m not. Corey: You said there might be a radically new change in technology with Tesla or something else- Scott: Oh, yes. Corey: Which will lead to lower emissions. Again, you got to be really specific. I think no one’s going to disagree with you, the blank claim that we are F’d, as it were, at least I wouldn’t personally, in 80 years. That, you can’t make unless you bake in certain other assumptions, say that emissions don’t continue to go down. Again, even at that point, you’ve got to qualify it as to who’s in serious trouble? Living here in the Midwest, I’m not sure that you’re going to get radical problems with two degree rises in East Lansing, Michigan, but Sub-Saharan Africa is a whole different story. Scott: I would agree with what you just said. Then there’s the policy part, which gets really crazy. We’re watching the Australians debate about whether the fires are because of the arsonists or because the climate is changing, but I don’t see anybody say, “There’s nothing you can do.” If you’re Australia, there’s just nothing you can do. You could get rid of all your oil tomorrow. It wouldn’t make any difference because China and India are still growing and that’s where the CO2 is coming from. I think Australia adds, what, 1.5% of the CO2, to the atmosphere. If they stopped all of it tomorrow, it wouldn’t make any difference. Corey: I think you’ve said some pretty dramatic things about single-payer healthcare. That there’s a $50 trillion uncertainty in what the outcome would actually be like. Scott: That’s less an opinion on healthcare than it is about the way people talk about it. I was watching the news and within, I think a 24-hour period, I saw somebody say that healthcare would cost $35 trillion more and somebody else say, “It would be free.” It may maybe even cost less. Now, they’re obviously using different assumptions to make those claims. One, of course, is looking at all healthcare costs and saying, “Well, all healthcare costs as a country will remain similar. It’s just who pays that changes” and the other is acting like it’s brand-new, the $35 trillion change. That’s just the craziness of the way we can’t even get on the same page within $35 trillion of each other before you even talk about what’s a good idea or not. Corey: I want to give you a compliment, Scott, not just because we’re in the podcast, but I do like the fact that you’re really cognizant of how much unclarity there is in public discussions and how hard it is for an individual grasp this. I think this is something that’s discussed by a lot of people like Kahneman and Tetlock, and really careful people talk about this in very nerdy environments, but there’s just very little discussion, I think, in the public sphere, about it and it’s maddening. It’s very difficult for an individual to parse these things. I’m saying not that I agree with your views in general, but I think I do get a drift, which is you’re really plugging into this complexity that seems not to bother people and it seems not to impede people forming very strong opinions about topics, about which they know very, very little. Scott: People are very quick to form opinions on things that are so complicated they couldn’t possibly understand it and they do that usually just by joining whatever their team is saying and picking the one thing they understand. If you’re a conservative and somebody says, “Well, look at what all these scientists say,” the conservative skeptics will say, “Yeah, but they’re forgetting to count the sun cycles.” To which I say, “I’m no scientist. I’m no scientist, but I’m going to go out on a limb here.” Scott: “I will bet my entire, every dime I’ve ever made, that the people who study the warmth of the earth for a living didn’t forget the sun. They didn’t forget the sun. Stop saying it.” Every time I see that I just go, “Oh, really? No. That’s the best opinion you could have on this topic? That all the scientists in the world forgot the sun when they were talking about warmth. That didn’t happen. Please stop saying that.” Corey: I’ve got this theory, which comes back to a notion of an attractor state, the idea that certain physical systems have a very hard time staying out of certain buckets, as it were. My general theory is humans have a very hard time not forming beliefs. There’s something deeply attractive about beliefs that we can’t resist, and in many cases, the issues are very complicated. We are not particularly well-informed. It’s incredibly hard to maintain this kind of intermediate state, granting that there’s lots of information out there. It’s unclear. I don’t know what’s going on. I’m going to maintain this state of not quite having an opinion. I think it’s the rational thing to do, but it’s obviously something that leads to a lot of discomfort. Steve: Well, I call this epistemic caution. Basically, your default state should be, I just don’t know the answer. I’m uncertain. Corey: That’s right. Steve: It’s very tough for people to maintain that state. Nothing else, virtue signaling or knowing what other people want you to say, actually just drives you to form an opinion. Corey: I think it’s interesting that that’s actually Scott’s day job, what he writes about because I ran into this more strongly, my time in consulting. I was simply shocked by the confidence with which people at the firm that I worked at would assert things. Steve: Well, they’re incentivized to appear confident. Corey: In a perverse way because a lot of what they said was wrong and if someone later followed up, they might realize they were wrong and for a reasonable feedback loop, it should cause costs, the organization, but no. There was a relentless

21. maj 2020 - 1 h 17 min
episode James Oakes on What’s Wrong with The 1619 Project – #46 cover

James Oakes on What’s Wrong with The 1619 Project – #46

Steve and Corey talk to James Oakes, Distinguished Professor of History and Graduate School Humanities Professor at the Graduate Center of the City University of New York, about “The 1619 Project” developed by The New York Times Magazine. The project argues that slavery was the defining event of US history. Jim argues that slavery was actually the least exceptional feature of the US and that what makes the US exceptional is that it is where abolition first begins. Steve wonders about the views of Thomas Jefferson who wrote that “all men are created equal” but still held slaves. Jim maintains many founders were hypocrites, but Jefferson believed what he wrote. Other topics: Northern power, Industrialization, Capitalism, Lincoln, Inequality, Cotton, Labor, Civil War, Racism/Antiracism, Black Ownership. RESOURCES * Transcript * James Oakes [https://www.gc.cuny.edu/Faculty/Core-Bios/James-Oakes](Bio) * Oakes and Colleagues Letter to the NYT and the Editor’s Response [https://www.nytimes.com/2019/12/20/magazine/we-respond-to-the-historians-who-critiqued-the-1619-project.html] (NYT) * The Fight Over the 1619 Project Is Not About the Facts [https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2019/12/historians-clash-1619-project/604093/] (The Atlantic) * The World Socialist Web Site interview with James Oakes [https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2019/11/18/oake-n18.html] * Benjamin Lay, the first revolutionary abolitionist [https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/quaker-comet-greatest-abolitionist-never-heard-180964401/] (Smithsonian Mag) * Oakes, J. (2016). Capitalism and Slavery and the Civil War [https://doi.org/10.1017/S0147547915000393]. International Labor and Working-Class History * Wright, G. (2020), Slavery and Anglo‐American capitalism revisited [https://doi.org/10.1111/ehr.12962]. The Economic History Review * John J. Clegg, “Capitalism and Slavery, [https://doi.org/10.1086/683036]” Critical Historical Studies 2 * Olmstead, Alan L. & Rhode, Paul W., 2018. “Cotton, slavery, and the new history of capitalism, [https://doi.org/10.1016/j.eeh.2017.12.002]” Explorations in Economic History For those interested in exploring Jefferson’s and Lincoln’s views further Professor Oakes recommends the following books: * John C. Miller,The Wolf by the Ears: Thomas Jefferson and Slavery [https://www.goodreads.com/en/book/show/143116.The_Wolf_by_the_Ears] * Graham A. Peck,Making an Antislavery Nation: Lincoln, Douglas, and the Battle over Freedom [https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/34914961-making-an-antislavery-nation] TRANSCRIPT Friends of Manifold: Please be aware that this transcript was generated by an automated process. The machine sometimes confuses speakers, among other things. Please email manifld@msu.edu [manifld@msu.edu] if you notice any corrections that need to be made.Corey: Our guest today is James Oakes, distinguished professor of history, and graduate school humanities professor at the Graduate Center of the City University of New York where he teaches history courses on the American Civil War and Reconstruction, slavery, the Old South and abolitionism, along with U.S. and world history. He’s the author of six books, including, The Ruling Race, History of American Slave Holders, Slavery and Freedom: An Interpretation of the Old South, Freedom National, The Destruction of Slavery in the United States 1861-1865, and The Scorpion’s Sting: Antislavery and the Coming Civil War. Corey: However, he’s perhaps best known for his book, the Radical and the Republican: Frederick Douglass, Abraham Lincoln, and the Triumph of Antislavery Politics. Eric Foner recently described Freedom National as “The best account ever written of the complex historical process known as emancipation.” Jim won the Lincoln prize for both The Radical and the Republican and Freedom National. Corey: He’s also the author of numerous articles and op-eds. Most recently, he was among a number of prominent historians to criticize a number of claims in the New York Times 1619 Project. He has taught previously at Princeton University and Northwestern University. Welcome to Manifold, Jim. James: Thank you. Glad to be here. Corey: So let’s begin to jump into what we were always planning to talk about, which is the 1619 Project, your response to it and some of the broader issues that it raises. So I want to start by trying to rephrase the basic premise of the project and I’d like to get your response to the rephrasing and then ask you a question. So for our listeners who may not know, the 1619 Project, it’s a ongoing project by the New York Times, started in August 2019, they had the goal of reexamining the legacy of slavery in the United States. Corey: It’s time for the 40th anniversary of the arrival of Africans in Virginia. More broadly, it seeks to explore aspects of contemporary life, which the authors believe have roots in slavery in its aftermath. The authors of the 1619 Project compared that year to 1776. In 1619, 20 to 30 black people who had been stolen from a Portuguese ship where they’re taken against their will from Angola, were brought to Virginia and sold. The project authors write that this was the beginning of slavery in the United States. And point of fact is numerous historians have pointed out the people on that ship became indentured servants, not slaves. But seems to me that there’s still a category error here in the sense of 1619 was a year which people arrived someplace. Nothing politically dramatic happened in that year. 1776 was when the U.S. declared independence from Britain. So 1619 is more comparable to say 1607, start of Jamestown or 1620 when the pilgrims arrived in Plymouth or even in the 16th century when the Spanish arrived. It seems like the [crosstalk] sorry, go ahead. James: Well 1493 when the first Africans came, or decades before when the first African slaves were brought to Florida, which really are the first ones to be enslaved in what became the United States, or 1626 when they first arrived in New York, or 17-whatever when they first arrived in Louisiana. You can pick any number of dates other than 1619. Go ahead. I interrupted you. I’m sorry. Corey: No, no. Those are all right, but suppose you say, look, the politically significant period was appointed which indentured servitude became hereditary slavery for black people brought to the States. It’s thought, correct me if I’m wrong, that happened sometime in 1660s at least in Virginia. That point in time it kind of hardened, but whatever date you pick, whatever you pick for that. Okay, so I’m trying to make analogy. There’s some point at which you became, slavery got established, right? As a general principle, whatever that date is or that period, what if someone said that’s what you want to compare to 1776 that’s the really important date, whatever that is and how would you respond to that? James: I think that’s actually a factual error. In this case, I think the 1619 project is correct and more compatible with recent scholarship. Show me the indenture contracts for those Africans in 1619. They were brought as slaves. They were purchased as slaves, and in a world in which the English were fully aware of the existence of an Atlantic slave trade–that has been in existence since 1493. Before then, actually, because the Portuguese were buying and selling slaves on the African coast even before then. The Atlantic slave trade had been in existence for a century and everyone knew what the slave trade was, and it wasn’t indentured servitude. So they were slaves, but it wasn’t the beginning of slavery. The problem I really have with using 1619 is that reverses one of the most important intellectual historical developments in the study of slavery over the past 50 years, which is to deprovincialize the history of the United States by demonstrating that the least exceptional thing about the United States is slavery. So the project opens with an argument that everything that made the United States exceptional comes from slavery. When in fact, as I said, slavery is the least exceptional thing in American history because slavery was something that had existed throughout the history of the world. And by the time those slaves arrived in Virginia, the Dutch were enslaving people and the Portuguese were enslaving people and the Spanish were enslaving people and the French were enslaving people and they were enslaving people in Brazil and in Curacao, in Barbados, and in Hispaniola and Saint-Domingue. So to make American exceptionalism depend on something that was so unexceptional–which is one of the things that makes the history of slavery in some ways tragic, is that it was completely unexceptional–jt’s a mistake. I think there were aspects to the history of slavery in the United States that are different from the history of slavery in other parts of the new world and in earlier forms of slavery. But slavery itself is not an exceptional institution in the world of the 1600s. So one of the problems that I have, begins with the very premise on which the 1619 project is based, which is that slavery is something that stands out this way. And that’s to say nothing about how terrible slavery is. It was a terrible thing. It was horrible, slavery was. I don’t have a problem with calling slavery a barbaric institution. I just have a problem with saying that it’s the source of every single thing that’s wrong in the United States today. Corey: So Jim, on our disagreements I want to get clear. So for example, in Nell Irvin Painter is one of the people argued that the people arrived were indentured servants. So you think that view is wrong actually or should not be… James: I was surprised that she said that. And I think it’s a function of the fact that she hasn’t worked in the field in the last 20 or 30 years because that view has long since been discredited by most starting to work to read a synthesis like the most popular synthesis of the last generation, is probably Ira Berlin’s Many Thousands Gone. He freely acknowledged this, that the first Africans brought to Virginia in 1619 were slaves. So the question isn’t, how did those people go from being indentured servants to being slaves? The story is how did the system of slavery that was put in place initially, become the kind of slave society that the colonies did become, which is different. Initially it looked like a typical slave society in the first decades in that some proportion of the slaves managed to work their way to freedom. We have histories of blacks who were free and bought slaves of their own, Anthony Johnson, for example, stories things like that. And those avenues of manumission were common in Brazil and Haiti and all slave societies whose legal systems are based ultimately on Roman law, the Siete Partidas, the Code Noir. It was fairly common for large numbers of slaves to buy their own freedom. And that’s what it was like in the very first decades in Virginia, although we’re talking about very small numbers. Slavery later takes on the characteristics more typical of American slave society, in which property rights were far more absolute, the church has far less influence, and the economies and polities were more self-governing. As the property rights became so absolute the avenues of self manumission were closed off. That’s what happened. The disappearance of slaves freeing themselves through manumission is a function of the shift in the nature of this slave economy, not a shift from indentured servitude to slavery. Again, I’ll repeat the question I asked: Where are the contracts? Indentured servants signed contracts; show me where they are. There’s no evidence that there were signing contracts that say, “I’ll be free after seven years of working for you.” It’s not the case. Steve: Corey, could I ask you on behalf of the audience to frame this a little bit? I think there are probably plenty of people listening to the podcasts who are not familiar with the 1619 projects. So maybe you could start there. Corey: So I think the 1619 project was an initiative by, it was in fact an initiative by a New York times reporter. I forgot her name. James: Nicole Hannah-Jones. Corey: Nicole Hannah Jones. Yes. And as I said, I think she wanted to draw attention to the sort of broader political motivation, I think behind it, which was to draw attention to the inequities in current American society and to try to trace their historical roots. But then it turned from then into a fairly detailed series of essays about U.S. History and claims about what happened at the founding, the motivation for the U.S. To declare independence from Britain, the character of, at least the nature of Abraham Lincoln’s beliefs about Africans and the potential future in the U.S.. Corey: I think it was roughly a hundred pages when it was published. There were about 15 essays in it, and it since expanded become a high school curriculum. It’s becoming a book. You know, what happened after it was published is it was published, I think, a great fanfare and, but then people began to look much more closely at it and it began to attract critics. And Jim was one of the people who wrote into the New York times with a number of his colleagues, Victoria Bynum, James McPherson, Gordon Wood, and Sean Wilentz to address what they thought were weaknesses in the project. Although you, you do say that as much of the project you’d agree with, but you then began to focus on certain historical inaccuracies. Is that a fair characterization of- James: Yes, yes, that’s correct. Corey: So before we actually started recording, you said that you thought, a Times letter’s not long and so you don’t go into a lot of detail in your criticism, but you know, in this podcast our audience is pretty sophisticated, often more than Steve and I are. And so we want to go into some detail with your critiques of the project and to get a general sense of the state of the debate. Because after you wrote in asking for correction, the Times responded largely saying we’re not going to change anything. But then they did change a few things. So I’d like to at least go through some of your central criticisms in the letter and if you could add to it the important, perhaps the most explosive claim in the project was that it wasn’t quite hedged that well, that the colonies declared independence in part to preserve slavery because it looked like Britain was going to outlaw slavery in the colonies and they wanted to protect it. What’s right or wrong in that claim? James: [Inaudible] There is no evidence that there was a substantial anti-slavery sentiment in Britain at the time of the American Revolution. Very little or no evidence that the reason the colonists declared their independence was to protect slavery. There was no real threat to slavery from coming from Great Britain. It’s a standard… it’s a standard understanding among historians of the abolitionist movement in Great Britain erupts later, in the 1780s, as a consequence of the American Revolution, and not sooner than that. There were people before who were opposed to slavery; there were Quakers and there were radicals during the English Civil War who were raising philosophical objections. There had always been philosophical objections. But there’s no such thing as an anti-slavery movement, an abolitionist movement, in Great Britain until after the American Revolution, in large measure because of the American Revolution. If you’re going to make a claim about the relationship between slavery and the sources of independence, you’d be on firmer ground to say that it was the opposite. The colonies had–several of the colonies had–tried several times to ban the slave trade, which they understood to be the first step in the ultimate abolition of slavery, and were overruled repeatedly by London, by the British officials, and they were not able to stop importing slaves, to stop the importation of slaves. The importation of slaves was largely a British enterprise. Britain was the largest slave trading nation in the world at the time, and many of the colonies that didn’t depend heavily on slavery, wanted to stop it and couldn’t. It was one of the complaints about Great Britain that they had tried to stop this and couldn’t. So there’s a stronger argument to be made that the colonists objected, or at least that the northern colonies complained [about slavery.] So, in fact, part of the reason they objected to being ruled by London was because London didn’t allow them to stop the importation of slaves. It was not a major source of independence. It was one of a number of complaints about being ruled by London and by the British empire, but it’s a stronger argument than a proslavery motive. The answer The Times came back with was to focus on this event in late September, in late 1775 which was a British commander in Virginia [Lord Dunmore] issued an invitation to slaves to come into British lines where they would be emancipated if they would fight for the British army. And, and the problem with using that is that the guy who did it was not anti-slavery. He was trying to suppress the rebellion and the rebellion was already underway. That’s why he issued the proclamation. One of the stories that the 1619 project tells is of the first person to die in the American Revolution–Crispus Attucks in Boston, a fugitive slave. It was five years before Dunmore’s Proclamation. The independence movement, the rebellion, was well underway and to say that one of the primary reasons they rebelled was because of something that happened five years into the rebellion makes no logical sense. So the emerging revolution is the other thing that’s missing. There was no such thing in the history of the world is abolition until the last quarter of the 18th century and the first place, there were one or two minor places where it was happening, but the first significant place that abolition starts was in the United States. In 1777 Vermont adopted a constitution abolishing slavery. In 1780 Pennsylvania adopted the first abolition statute and the history of the world, and it’s followed by Connecticut and Rhode Island, Massachusetts abolished slavery in 1780. The significance of the American Revolution for slavery, and what makes America exceptional in that sense, is that it was the first place that abolition starts to happen. Without that happening, you didn’t have that happen, if you didn’t have ultimately New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Massachusetts, Vermont, New Hampshire…. You have all those states abolishing slavery, followed by all the Midwestern States abolishing slavery because the federal government kept slavery out of the Northwest territory… Without that there’d be no North and no South. Now imagine American history without a North that had no slavery and the South with slavery. So it’s really the abolition of slavery that stands out as the most significant event in the history of the American revolution as far as slavery is concerned. Corey: Jim, at the time of the revolution, was there any North South split with regards to slavery? James: Not in 1776. Thirteen slave colonies declared their independence from Great Britain and became thirteen slave states. It was during the revolution [that the split develops]. The next year [1777] you start to get the northern states, inspired by the revolution largely, but also because slavery was never a major part of their economic system. They begin to abolish slavery over and against the objections, the strenuous objections, of the slaveholders within those states. Corey: Another claim that was pretty important was criticized again, was that largely blacks have fought for their freedom alone. Now, are you familiar with Benjamin Lay, being that there’s a recently biography of him, I think about two years ago, and he was presented as really the first radical abolitionist. He’s a Quaker and sort of fascinating character. He was born in Britain, caused enormous trouble there because he objected to many of the hierarchies and features of kind of hypocrisies of religious life. Lands in Pennsylvania and then basically it goes on as one man a war against slavery and other things in favor of animal rights, women’s rights, et cetera, et cetera. Kind of a fascinating character, but people claim him as the first radical abolitionist pushing for abolition. His earliest, the early 1700 mid-1700s but one of the things you did disagree with in the letter also, was the claim that African Americans have largely fought for their freedom on their own. Is there anything you’d like to add to the claims and the letter? James: Well, again, think about it: If 13 slave states abolish … slave states withdraw and declare their independence and then they begin to abolish slavery. What is the role that slaves can play in that series of events? They certainly support abolition to the extent that they can, but they are completely excluded from the political system. What did they have to do with Pennsylvania legislature’s decision to abolish slavery in 1780? They did in the sense that that everyone knew slaves didn’t like being slaves. Everyone knew that when slaves had a chance [to be free] they would accept because they didn’t like being slaves. Everyone knew that when they had chance to accept freedom, they would accept it. They had the experience not only of Lord Dunmore, but they had the experience of slaves running away all the time. Everyone knew that slaves didn’t like be slaves, and to the extent that they understood that, they fought against slavery. But it [abolition] was something that always required white allies. One of the things that makes the abolitionist movement in the United States so important and so interesting, and that historians have commented on repeatedly, is that it was a biracial movement for a biracial democracy to create a multiracial democracy. It was a movement of blacks and whites, and it could not have succeeded if it was blacks fighting alone against a more or less united group of whites in opposition to them. At some point, the only way it could work logically, was if blacks persuaded enough whites to go along with it. But it still required, even in that very limited sense, it would still require allies, white allies. It’s part of the larger problem, it’s one of the largest analytical problems I have with the project: It eliminates the conflict that slavery creates within American political and social life. Not a conflict between blacks and whites, but a conflict between people who supported slavery and people who opposed slavery. The people who opposed slavery were not uniformly black people, they’re also whites. The issue of slavery arose repeatedly. I’ll give you an example, there were about a hundred votes in the House of Representatives on slavery between 1790 and 1860. In 95 out of those a hundred of those, a majority of northerners in the House of Representatives voted anti-slavery. Anti-slavery commitment of the North is pretty consistent. The majority of northerners didn’t like slavery. James: And the difference between 1790 and 1860 is that by 1860 the North was much bigger, much stronger, much more economically powerful, had a much larger population because the Northern economy attracted large numbers of people to it and made it more powerful in a representative government. So you ended up, start with 1776 there are, as I said, 13 slave colonies withdrawing form a nation of 13 slave States. By 1860, the number of slave States has gone from 13 to 15, and the number of free States has gone from zero to 18. And one of the reasons the slave states secede in 1860 is because they can see the handwriting on the wall. They’re about to be overwhelmed by a number of free States, the majority of who’s voting population didn’t like slavery and would like to stop it. Corey: I would like to get into the origins of Northern power, because many people see it as being part of the success of Northern capitalism, which really drove that rise and wealth. I think there is something that people find very puzzling. I think it’s trying to understand the Framers mindset when you can write something like all men are created equal, have inalienable right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, when quite a few of them were slaveholders. I think the authors of a 1619 Project described this as the founders lying. But it’s more and more complex because you think it’s true that everyone has a right to life, liberty, pursuit of happiness, and all men are created equal, that’s not a lie. So how are people to think about these characters, who could write these words in the same time, even some of them own slaves? James: Think about it the way Abraham Lincoln thought about it: It [‘all men are created equal”] is not a description of reality, it’s an ideal that’s set up toward which we aspire. He knew that equality was not the way people actually lived in any given time. It’s what you aspire to build as a nation. And I think even someone like Thomas Jefferson who wrote it, and is in many ways a hypocrite for having written that, I suppose, but he did believe that in the long run “nothing is so clearly written in the Book of Faith then that these people must be free.” That he depended on those people for his life, for his livelihood, yes. That he never was able to extricate himself from that system, that’s correct. Was he a hypocrite for that reason? Fine. If you’re interested in hypocrisy, well hypocrites are a dime a dozen. If you have no ideals… What if they had said, “All men are not created equal. Some are going to be high and mighty and others to be low and despicable. Some are born slaves and some are born free.” Well, we’s have there a very different nation, but they wouldn’t be hypocrites. At least they wouldn’t be hypocrites. Right? You set this up as a standard, and we don’t live by that. You don’t have a nation that lives by that standard today, and we have a nation that aspires theoretically to that standard. Steve: Is there a third possibility in which the word all was not meant to include non-Europeans? James: Well, that’s what it eventually became a debate about. No, I wouldn’t say… Yes, by the 1850s that is the debate that Abraham Lincoln is having with Stephen Douglas who’s not slave-holder. He’s a northerner, Lincoln’s chief rival in the 1858 debate, and it was precisely that issue that you raise… Douglas’ position was that the Declaration of Independence meant all white men are created equal. It did not mean all blacks and whites are created equal. Lincoln’s position was, “No, I’m sorry. It didn’t say that. They didn’t mean that. They meant all men are created equal, and that’s where we have to start.” So it was a debate over what it meant. But I don’t think at the time, I don’t think Jefferson meant only white people. I think the problem he had was that he thought black people were inferior. Not that they weren’t entitled to the right of life, liberty, and property, but that since they were inferior to white people, he couldn’t imagine freeing them and letting them live in the United States. He was trapped by his own racial logic. He’s committed to the idea that all men, inferior or not, are entitled to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, but his racial prejudices prevented him from acting on them. You can believe that all men are entitled to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness or property, and still not think: that blacks and whites should not be allowed to get married, that blacks should not be allowed to serve on juries, that blacks should not be allowed to vote and things like that. Because those are not natural rights, those are civil rights that are granted by States and nations, some things like that. So you could believe in fundamental human equality and not believe in full racial equality. Corey: So Jim, this is a big part of, well, this claim is made a number of times in your book, The Radical and the Republican, that Abraham Lincoln did believe that the Declaration of Independence was a universal document. My, perhaps, uninformed impression was he’s wearing rose-colored glasses. He’s imposing, perhaps, his own view of the Declaration on the Founders. Is there clear evidence that they believed that this was universal proclamation, or he thinks it should have been taken that way? James: Some did and some didn’t. I think, as I said, I think Thomas Jefferson actually did believe that. Corey: Why? Why do you believe that? James: Because he says it, he says, in the quote I gave: Nothing’s more clearly written in the Book of Faith and that these people must be free. When he was younger, he introduced gradual abolition laws into the Virginia assembly and they failed. He advocated the Northwest Ordinance which would ban slavery from the Northwest. The Ordinance produced five free states. So there’s enough evidence that even he, and he’s hardly the most radical on that issue. But I think if you go further north, then you look at… If you read the first paragraph of the 1780 Pennsylvania Abolition Statute, I think this is the first, I mentioned earlier, the first statute ever in the history of the world to abolish slavery somewhere. The entire first paragraph is an attack on the notion of racial inequality, and its impact on people who were claiming blacks are not equal to whites. That statute gave slaves the rights of due process that white servants had. I think there’s plenty of evidence that plenty of people did actually believe [in universal equality]. There’s a new book just out by Paul Polgar that says that the goal of the first abolition movement that produced these free States in the North was to incorporate the emancipated slaves into the United States as fully equal citizens. And he’s got abundant evidence. So, those Founders certainly did believe that the Declaration of Independence meant it, meant what it said about fundamental human equality. And others in South Carolina, you’d be hard-pressed to find someone who would say that. They’re all founders but… Corey: I think it’s from your interview with the world socialist website, you talk about there being, I guess, initial optimism after the revolution or expectation that slavery would eventually go away and that this optimism could be faded over the two decades after the revolution. What was going on during that period that you think stalled the movement that they all thought was coming? James: Cotton. Cotton, and I suppose Haiti, as well, scared them, but it was cotton. The American Revolution destroyed the indigo economy in South Carolina and Georgia. The tobacco economy had been foundering. One of the reasons you get so many Virginians willing to sign off on vague, highfalutin statements about fundamental human equality and the end of slavery was because the tobacco economy was foundering. They were all in debt, and they thought slavery was dying. It looked to them like slavery was dying, that they were switching over to wheat (which could be grown by free farmers as efficiently as by slaves). There’s no cotton, there’s virtually no commercially produced cotton in the United States until around 1785. Nobody can even, they cannot imagine [the cotton kingdom]. And [in the 1780s] it can’t be grown in any part of the interior of the south. They could only grow Sea Island Cotton on the coastline, because the inland cotton that became so famous had too many seeds in it. They didn’t have a gin until the 1790s, that could make that kind of cotton commercially viable. And once they had it, it booms. And once it boomed, cotton gave slavery a new lease on life, but it hadn’t happened [during the Revolution]… No one in 1776 much less 1787 could have imagined it. Why would you think they could have imagined it. They had every reason to think slavery was–they had good reason to think it was dying. They looked at them–they looked at those States that were abolishing slavery one by one. They looked at the state of the economy, of the tobacco economy, and they had–it was a reasonably good bet that slavery was going to disappear. And the problem was then what are we going to do with all these free black people? Corey: So I guess, I want to get in a little bit about the economics, because it sounds like cotton bolls saved the South. It saved the Southern economy to some extent, but there are forces also which accelerated growth in Northern economy, far beyond what was happening in the South. What were those forces? The 1619 Project argues that the economic drive was largely slavery. But if there’s something very different in the North, that’d be another factor basically which accounted for Northern growth. Do we know anything about the growth rates of the economy at that stage in both regions? James: Yeah, pretty much. So we have this paradox where on one hand the cotton economy is growing by leaps and bounds. On the other hand, the northern economy is growing by bigger leaps and bigger bounds. But they’re growing in very different ways. That is, one way to say that this is a slave economy grew, but the Northern economy developed. The claim being made–this was actually my first objection to the 1619 Project, is the essay by Matthew Desmond–which summarizes an interpretation of the relationship between slavery and capitalism that I find not supported by the evidence: the wealth of the North is fueled by slavery. Slavery creates enormous sources of wealth, and Desmond makes a logical leap from the fact that the slave holders were rich to the claim that that’s why all of Northern wealth and all of American growth, all American economic development [depended on slavery]. But, again, step back the way I did earlier in this discussion and look at the larger history of Atlantic slavery: Ask yourself why the largest slave economies in Brazil, and Cuba, and in Haiti all ended up impoverished. And why the first countries that were most heavily involved in the slave trade, Portugal, Spain, and [later] France did not develop as a result of their slave colonies. If slavery is the source of capitalist development, then why didn’t those most heavily involved in slavery develop out of slavery? They didn’t. The countries that developed were the countries like England and later the North, in large part. It was their [internal capitalist] development that I think in large part drove the emergence of new world slavery. The countries that had already started to be developed in a capitalist way–they had free labor and the free laborers were working for wages. And they became consumers, and they were rationalizing agriculture in the countryside, and then throwing off workers who were moving to the cities. England in 1700 has more large cities than the entire rest of Europe has at that point. So they have a large consumer base. The same thing was happening in the North, even before the revolution. It’s the transformation of that economy into a consumer-based capitalist economy, in which the consumers were buying. What were they buying? They were buying sugar. They were buying cocoa. They were buying coffee, and ultimately they were buying cotton. Right? And it’s the economic development of the Northwestern part of Europe and the Northern United States that is propelling the development of the slave economy. The bonds of dependency go the opposite way from what the 1619 Project would have you believe. It’s in that sense, capitalism is causing the rise of slavery, not slavery that’s causing the rise of capitalism. You could make a different claim for the specific ways in which the profits of slavery did or did not help the industrial revolution, but the industrial revolution in the Northeast is a broad based phenomenon in which the cotton textile mills, and Slater’s Mills, and the Lowell Mills were actually outliers. The basis of industrialization in the North is in localities that are making clocks, and silverware, and plates, and hats, and all sorts of things that are being built, iron and other things. The industrial revolution was a broad-based phenomenon in which those cotton textile mills were unusual, and they not the major—let’s say indispensable–part of the process of industrialization. In that sense I would say, along with Gavin Wright who is I think the best economic historian of slavery alive, it was the abolition of slavery in the North–not slavery, but it’s abolition–that set the North off on a course of economic development very different from the South. Because free laborers who become wage laborers or who keep the fruits of their own labor, and producers who become commercial farmers, become consumers on their own. They develop a relationship between the city and the countryside. The dynamic relationship between city and the countryside in the North is not happening in the South. And it’s the history of those northern economies becoming increasingly independent of the South that makes it possible for the North to go to war and not worry about the destruction of slavery. No, what they wanted from the South was cotton. They didn’t care whether it came from slaves, or indentured servants, or free laborers. All things considered, they preferred that it came from free laborers who were earning wages. Given their ideological orientation, they were convinced that if you emancipated the slaves–because slaves don’t work hard, they have no incentive to work hard and no prospects of getting ahead by being saved–if you switched to a system of free labor, the freed people will work twice as hard, and cotton will flow more abundantly than ever. So if they’re interested in cotton, they would be more likely to say, “We’ll be better off with free laborers than slave laborers.” So, they watch their economies flourish. They watch their economy suck in millions and millions and millions of immigrants, right? Hundreds of thousands of white Southerners are pouring out of the South into the Midwest, and they come to the conclusion that an economy based on free labor is more dynamic, more equitable, more progressive than an economy based on slave labor. There’s every reason for them to prefer a free labor economy to a slave labor economy. James: Why anyone would think that they wouldn’t care about slavery or not think that free labor was superior is odd to me. The same logic… I used to have trouble teaching my students to not ask questions like, “How could the slaveholders do what they did?” Because they grew up… just imagine: Slavery is a normal part of human history. It’s existed for tens of thousands of years in every major society. Greeks had slaves, Egyptians had slaves, the Romans had slaves. The African societies–one of the reasons Africa was so vulnerable to the demand for slaves from the New World is because those were slave societies too, and they just began capturing more slaves than selling them. So, it’s normal to grow up in slavery. It’s not normal to grow up in anti-slavery societies. But what happens in the United States by 1860, is several generations of people who have grown up in an extraordinarily prosperous society coming to the conclusion that it’s a much better way to organize things. And it works. Corey: Yeah. I ask the same question to people whenever they look at any, what we look upon is any historical atrocity of things like that. The number of people who deviate from the behavior of the majority is always extremely tiny. The number of Germans who radically protested and rebelled during World War II was extremely small. Yeah, you can’t expect that you’d be unique in some sense. James: Right. Corey: Yeah. You can’t expect that you’d be unique in some sense. We’ll link to your article about Capitalism: Slavery in the Civil War because there was a reactive debate as to what drove things. Did slavery help make capitalism possible, providing raw materials, or did the Industrial Revolution, at least, provide the demand for cotton. Corey: In the 1619 project, it seems that there is an issue that I find elsewhere in discussion of capitalism, which is, it’s incredibly vague. It’s what capitalism is. And so it just seemed like in the 1619 author’s view, capitalism was any sort of regimented system of production. James: Sure. Right. For long distance trade. Corey: Exactly. Yeah. And I just want to get your sense, is that something that you find … It seems like a problem of many debates about capitalism, which is no one actually says what it is. It often tends to be whatever it is that the author doesn’t like or it seems particularly heartless. I’m being a little uncharitable that way, but sort of a regimented system that doesn’t treat labor very well. James: That’s a problem all through the project and it’s a problem that’s a reflection of, to some extent, what historians have been doing. And it’s a series of logical ellisions in which you see analogues being made. It’s an example in Hannah-Jones’ initial essay. She says her grandfather grew up on a plantation in Greenwood, Mississippi, where they stooped in the hot sun and picked cotton just as their enslaved ancestors had done until recently. James: Well, no. The likelihood is that he didn’t pick cotton just as his enslaved ancestors did. He likely produced cotton as a sharecropper who had his own plot of ground and worked with his family, not under the direct supervision of an overseer and was able, as a majority of sharecroppers were gradually able to do, save up enough money to buy his own plot of land, which is what you see in the biographies of the … in the histories and genealogies of the law students profiled at the end of the project. Their ancestors were landowners who managed to buy land and in the postbellum South. And that’s one of the misleading analogues: Convict laborers after the Civil War were treated cruelly. Slaves were treated cruelly. Therefore, the convict lease system is slavery by another name. James: But slavery isn’t just about … Slavery allows you to treat people cruelly, but lots of systems allow you to treat people cruelly. And it’s not the cruelty of slavery that defines what a convict lease system is. In some ways, it’s more physically cruel than slavery for the simple reason that the planter leasing a convict had no economic investment in that convict’s wellbeing. It was well-known that … All slave holders understood that the greatest source of their wealth was the slaves themselves, as valuable property, as saleable property. All discussions of the best way to manage a plantation describe the good crop as one that’s good, taking into consider everything including the fences, the barn, the animals, the condition of the cotton crop, the size of the corn crops so that the slaves could be fed, and the number and wellbeing of the slaves. You want the number of slaves increasing year after year after year because you have a commercial investment in the slaves as saleable property. That incentive is gone when someone is leasing convicts. And so one of the essays tells this horrendous story of a planter in Louisiana in the late 19th century who leased 25 prisoners, and in a year, 12 of them were dead. Something like that. Well, slaveholders were not in the business of killing off their slaves. That’s not what slavery is. The convicts’ children aren’t slaves. The convict is not a slave for life. It’s not perpetual. It’s not slavery. It’s horrible. It’s terrible, but it’s not slavery. But the whole project … In order to make these claims for the continuous treatment of blacks from slavery to the present, there are a series of these definitional confusions that are required in order to make this argument for continuity. And it happens all the time through that project because the commitment, the political commitment, she’s saying, is that everything we are right now, including rush hour traffic, comes from slavery. And that tendentiousness imposes requirements on the essays that create all sorts of logical flaws and equations of two different kinds of systems with different kinds of systems of aggression that are anti-historical in the sense that the material conditions that give rise to a convict lease system are fundamentally different in the late 19th century and early 20th century than the material conditions under slavery. James: And the conditions that create mass incarceration, that started to create mass incarceration in the last 20 or 30 years [inaudible] don’t have very much to do with slavery. They have virtually nothing to do with slavery. They have to do with the conditions in the United States and the political history of United States in the 1970s and ’80s and ’90s that could produce these changes of laws. And it created an enormous increase in incarceration rates in which the majority of those incarcerated are white, not black. It’s that push to make everything we are come from slavery that distorts that project for me and creates a series of, as I said, logical leaps, analytical confusions, definitional failures. James: The Desmond essay on slavery and capitalism is based on a body of literature that is widely criticized for precisely the reason you raise. They’re going to write about capitalism, but they’re not going to say what capitalism is. And you really can’t do that. I’m not saying you have to have one particular definition of capitalism. There are lots of them out there, and each of them has strengths and well-understood weaknesses. But you can’t say you’re writing about the relationship between capitalism and slavery and not say what capitalism is, and not say what slavery is. They do know that slavery is a chattel principle, but the chattel principle isn’t … The convict lease isn’t based on the chattel principle. There were no slave auction houses left. Corey: I have a friend who’s an intellectual historian and we had him on the show a little while ago. And at some point in time, we were arguing about … He was making certain broad political generalizations and I’m like, “Well … ” Basically about alliance between left-wing politics and ethnic groups. And I’m saying, “Andrew,” it was Andrew Hartman. I’m like, “Andrew, this doesn’t really fit the picture.” My grandparents who were both black and held what sounded like pretty traditional conservative positions, were you to ask … They might look in various respects like Republican and his response was, he said, “Some historians are lumpers. Some are splitters.” He says, “I’m basically a lumper.” And so you’ve got to make certain kind of generalizations. But what sort of surprised me as I’ve dug into this a little bit is even if you don’t get into very, very fine, great historical arguments, a lot of what’s taught to people is sort of inaccurate. Corey: I’m going to give you kind of a personal example of this, at least that I’ve learned about. I had just a detailed discussion with my father and uncle about family history this past week. And I was asking about our family history of Mississippi. My dad’s family is from West Point, Mississippi, which is in the northern part of the state. It’s close to Alabama border. And my image, of course, from what I studied in school, was that my ancestors were probably sharecroppers because that’s what I assumed most blacks were. And it turned out that they weren’t. They never were. Corey: They had small plots of land, and it’s not quite clear how they had them. My guess is it looks like my great, great grandfather appears to be half Irish, perhaps the son of a slaveholder and slave woman. But since all of his descendants had their own plots of land and his description of their life … They were children back then, so they spent time with their grandmother who was … In fact, their step-grandmother, their grandmother turns out to be partly Native American, which is something that’s often not quite discussed as explicitly. The racial lines weren’t quite as hard and fast. She was born just after slavery probably. Corey: And they lived in a community in which whites really were not present. I’m trying to get, what was his sense of interact with white people, and they said, “We really didn’t.” You’d go into town once a week to buy some general store, but for the most part, you just lived in this sort of small village. And the image of kind of this constant encounter with this sort of oppressive force wasn’t there. It may be worse because it was fully separate, but it was just a society in which … They said, “We ran into white people when we went to the theater.” And they had to sit in the balcony, but that was the extent of it. It was just a very different picture than I’d had from my education. And it wasn’t such a clean picture, so maybe it didn’t get taught because it didn’t fit under our [inaudible] theory, but I began asking various questions such as, where in the … Corey: They seemed like … I used the term middle-class. My uncle made very clear they were not middle-class. He said they’re stable, but I was trying to fit where in the economic distribution they fell among blacks. Were they exceptional or not? He said it was probably very hard to know, but seemed like it was not an uncommon system in that area, to have a certain amount of labor. It was, again, a complicated picture. Similar to a kind of picture you paint in your description of The Ruling Race, which is that most slaveholders were not large plantation owners. It seems like that’s part of what’s being missed in a lot of this discussion. History is extremely diverse and the plantation system was in fact, not the norm for at least whites. James: For slaveholders, it wasn’t the norm. Right. Corey: Yeah, and it wasn’t clear if it was- James: It was more of the norm for slaves. The majority of slaves lived in plantations, but the majority of slaveholders were not planters. Corey: But afterwards, it was unclear to me whether sharecropping was the norm for blacks or this is it small landholder. Do we know, actually, whether the majority blacks were sharecroppers or not? James: In the early years, virtually all of them would have to be sharecroppers because there was no access to land. The point that I was making when I suggested that you look at those biographies [at the end of the 1619 Project] is that over time, the black population in the South, the emancipated population in the South, increasingly owned its own land. And that’s the goal in an agricultural society, to get your own land. And again, one of the logical confusions in the project is here… The piece on the racial wealth gap, for example, talks about the pattern of black “dispossession.” But it’s hard to know what that means when you’re talking about a population of four million people who come out of slavery possessing nothing, when the history is of possession among those people from the moment they’re emancipated up to the early 20th century–the gradual possession of land. And this happens, and it happens, [black landownership] leaps in particular in the very years that disfranchisement is happening, when lynching peaks, when the worst forms of racial oppression that is the nadir of black life after the Civil War. All of that happens at the same time that blacks in the South are increasingly buying and getting hold of their own plots of land. Now, an argument has been made, and it’s plausible, that those two things are actually connected. There’s actually a reference to it in 1619 Project to the effect that what causes the white backlash from the 1890s and early 1900s is not the failure of blacks, but the success of blacks. The two things go hand in hand. You can’t say black dispossession goes hand in hand with the rise of racial discrimination and disfranchisement because in fact, the opposite seems to be happening. Black possession seems to be going hand in hand hardening racial oppression. It’s one of those logical flaws in the argument that confuses economic patterns with these patterns of racial discrimination. There’s all sorts of things like that, even the better essays … That essay on slavery and capitalism is the one that upset me the most, because I know the most about that, and it’s so riddled with factual errors. It’s the reason I agreed to do the interview with the world’s most socialist website. But take a relatively good essay, the one by Jamelle Bouie, who’s … He’s not a historian. He’s a journalist. And it’s about the origins of the anti-democratic onslaught that we’re witnessing right now, the attempts to … voter suppression and gerrymandering and things like that. These have a very long history. And he traces back to John C. Calhoun’s repudiation of democracy in defense of slavery. James: Well, John C. Calhoun was not the first anti-democrat in American history. And his nemesis in the nullification crisis–where John C. Calhoun justifies South Carolina’s decision to notify federal tariffs on anti-democratic grounds–his nemesis is Andrew Jackson, who is a slave holding planter and the representative of a new kind of democracy in which is strongly associated with universal white manhood suffrage [the elimination of property qualifications.] The story of anti-democracy isn’t so simple.… It’s another example of attempting to shoehorn all the things that are terrible right now, that we all agree are or probably agree are terrible, into the history of slavery when … And what’s frustrating for me about this is … You know enough of my work. I have devoted my scholarly life, 40, 50 years now to studying the history of slavery and making sure we all understand how important the history of slavery and racial ideology has been to American history. The very first research paper I ever did as a first-year graduate student at Berkeley was a study of the new Orleans race riot of 1866 in which a black convention meeting to demand equal rights was attacked by a group of whites and the blacks were slaughtered on the streets of New Orleans. I’ve been studying this stuff for my entire life. And so the frustrating thing about the 1619 project is that it’s as though people like me didn’t exist, and there hasn’t been a whole lot of this kind of thing among scholars. But we want to get the facts right. And we want it to be logical, and we’re historians. We want to understand that racism [is not a transhistorical force]. You shouldn’t be talking about racism as something built into the DNA of the United States, because that suggests an unchanging, timeless unhistorical understanding of what racial ideology is all about. When you should be asking questions like, “What are the particular historical conditions in which you’re likely to get an upsurge of racism? And what are the conditions that explain to us why, in the immediate aftermath of the American Revolution, anti-racism was a dominant force in Northern life? And why, during the middle of the 19th century, suddenly there was anti-racism and then in the late 19th century, an upsurge of racism?” You can’t just say there was this unchanging thing called racism because racism exists in very specific historical contexts and gives rise to very different kinds of problems, political and social and economic problems. And it’s used in the 1619 Project, because of this determination to trace everything back to slavery, it’s used in a way that I say is not just ahistorical, it’s anti-historical. It’s to show that nothing changes, even to the point where you have these reductio ad absurdum. To say that traffic jams in Atlanta come from slavery is crazy. Not even the essay from which Hannah-Jones drew that observation in her introduction to the 1619 Project, not even the essay which is by Kevin Cruse, a good historian at Princeton says that. The essay she’s drawing that conclusion from says exactly the opposite, that under slavery, the incentive for whites was to keep blacks close, that with emancipation, an entirely different calculus emerged in which keeping blacks and whites separated from one another took charge and you started to get patterns of racial segregation in cities and that the use of the Interstate highway to block off, separate blacks from whites in cities creates these odd configurations of highways that are jammed up like that. The essay actually ends up saying exactly the opposite of what she says the essay says. Corey: I often wonder whether this might just be a … Steve and I have had this long discussion about cultural wars, and to some extent, they may be a luxury for people for whom life is not all that difficult, to worry about certain kinds of things. But I often wonder whether this is a generational phenomenon. I talked to my father. My father says quite openly, he’s like, “Look, I grew up in Apartheid.” My dad’s now a retired professor at University of Massachusetts living in Amherst, Massachusetts. And he’s like, look, it’s utterly astonishing the changes that happened since he was a kid. He was born in West Point, Mississippi, moved to East St. Louis. At the time, East St. Louis was doing pretty well, but later, things went bad but ended up with Rutgers and then at UMass. He couldn’t really imagine the kind of change that happened. Corey: But even if you go back, even you go back to Mississippi at that time, and this is something I learned in this conversation with them, which is … And I think there’s a certain picture of white-black relations as being really like there’s a wall between them. My grandfather, who was born in 1915, had a white friend. And in the early … When they were about 15 years old, they start a business together and they bought a cow and they slaughtered it. And turned out that my grandfather had pretty good skills at slaughtering, so they carved the and they sold it. They basically took a kind of wheelbarrow, something large around, sold the meat and bought another cow. And they built this thing into a pretty significant business. I was just sort of surprised because they didn’t expect this type of relationship to exist. Corey: At some point around early 30s, my grandfather was 20 or so, the business was booming, but he realized he actually couldn’t be a full partner in this business. It just wasn’t in the cards in West Point, Mississippi at that time. But the guy said, “Look, but you always have a job. You may not be partner, but you’ll always have a job.” My grandfather eventually left the area, but this business, which grew to what’s called Brian Foods, was eventually bought by Sarah Lee in the late ’60s. It was one of the largest meat packers in the region at the time. Corey: But it kind of showed a complexity to relations, which were just unheard of. And it’s quite clear that life got better over time for black people. But even at the time, there were these really complex interactions. My father describes his grandmother … Well, he’d go back for the summer from East St. Louis to West Point Mississippi. His grandmother would take … Corey: Where from East St. Louis to West Point, Mississippi, his grandmother would take them around. And this was probably the mid-40s. At some point, he’s described as being in town, and these young white kids invited him to play baseball with them, and he just starts playing with them, and she comes out of the store, basically grabs him by the collar and rips him away. It’s like, this is not something you should be doing. But it’s her basically imposing that line rather than the kids at that time. Again, things weren’t great back then, but it was a very different picture, a much more complicated picture of actual human relations. And I really wonder if people who are in their eighties would have the same view, that things have not changed, because I don’t think they do. And so I wonder whether you’ve sensed this is a generational gap in people where they’re just not aware. James: I don’t think it’s generational, so much as it’s… I tend to see that kind of argument about nothing’s changed as most prominent in what black political scientist, Adolph Reed, calls the black professional managerial class. And Nichole Jones who is working as a very well paid reporter for the most prestigious newspaper in the world saying, “Nothing’s changed.” I’ve heard of a tenured professor at the University of Chicago, an African-American professor, wonder “whether we’ve ever been emancipated,” a tenured professor at the University of Chicago making a statement like that. It can only be rhetorical. You can’t be serious unless you’re… This is what a Marxist would call idealism here. It’s taking an idea, where white supremacy or racism or whatever, and tracing it through time and seeing the same basic idea, and with no sense that there are underlying conditions that change, political conditions that change, that change the valence of that idea, that change the meaning of that, that make it salient in one context and not in another context. You could do that with any idea that persists. You could say that everything that’s terrible about the United States, and there’s lots of things that I think are terrible right now about the United States, and say it all goes back to the fact that the United States is basically a Christian country. I can finger Christians at every step along the way, defending slavery, defending this, defending inequality, defending all sorts of terrible things. And it’s the same idea right now of Fundamentalist Protestants saying we’re going to have church services on Sunday, despite the coronavirus or something like that. You could trace an unbroken line, if you want, to ideas because ideas are easier to do that with. James: It’s the material conditions of life that are changing dramatically and affecting different people in different ways. But it’s that when you start saying that something like an idea is built into the DNA of the United States, and that becomes your through line, you’ve erased historical change for particular purposes, to make certain claims in contemporary politics. And that’s most most attractive as an idea, I think… For example, there’s no such thing as “the black community.” . There was no such thing—this is one of the things that my friend Adolph Reed insists on—there is no such thing as “the black community.” Corey: I say that too. Actually. I say that too all the time. James: There’s no such thing, right? [It means] that what the black professional managerial class talks right now isn’t necessarily what working class blacks talk, and need, and things like that. I think that what we’re getting in the 1619 project is a distillation of a certain [class]. Look for example, the way they deal with the well-known fact of the rising economic inequality of the last generation. Everybody knows that this has happened. Everybody can think of the various reasons why this has happened. But they [the Project editors] really aren’t focused on why that has happened. They are focused on one particular aspect of it, which is the disparity between whites and blacks, which is not [the same thing as] explaining why the the wealth gap has happened. The financialization of the economy, the shift of jobs overseas, all the things that have real meaningful effects on the lives of working people who are disproportionately black. By focusing on disparity rather than the sources of the inequality itself you’re focusing on the idea of racial inequality and racial difference that you can trace through longterm without actually having to deal with the critical question of what is causing this to happen right now. Why did this happen over the last years? And things like that. And that is again something I associate with a particular class of people, not with any uniform black community or uniform white community. Corey: You know it’s funny when people talk about the black or the white communities because it’s obviously a kind of ridiculous notion on its face. A community consisting of tens to millions of people, but it seems to be… It’s easy for an ideological generalizations to be made on that basis. Let’s just draw back. So I know we’ve taken a lot of your time. Let’s step back and begin to try to look at the significance of this debate. And what I’d like to understand is what do you think the significance is of the debate over the 60 19 project? Is this something? Why should this be of interest to non-historians and non-academics? What’s at stake here fundamentally? James: I would start with a specific. The thing I liked about Jamelle Bouie’s, his essay on the struggle over democracy and anti-democracy is because he frames it as a conflict that has existed in various ways over time. And you don’t have to locate it solely in the defense of slavery, but if you frame these issues as persistent conflicts that erupt in different ways, in different times, and have different consequences then you’re closer to being historically grounded and specific and then you can explain things much better. And why in one set of conditions do the anti-racist’s succeed, and why, in another set of conditions that are racists winning. James: I mean that’s a little simplistic too, but at least it at least it stops you from talking about entire groups of people who are monoliths, right? James: When all the evidence suggests that, I mean… Look at what happened in the South Carolina primary. It’s clear from the outcome of that vote

14. maj 2020 - 1 h 20 min
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